LAUNCHING THE BRITISH MISSION
One of the interesting questions raised by this 1874-1878 period in Seventh-day Adventist history is the cause for delay in opening up a mission in Britain. Wilcox, writing in 1886, believed the reason is not known,1 a statement which seems unbelievable when one considers the available sources of information that must have been at his disposal. Some, like Butler, explained the delay in terms of the providential workings of God,2 although James White was quick to point out that the church was always slow in following that providence.3 Butler, James White, and others like them also explained the delay in terms of negligence.4 It is this writer's opinion that the leadership in America, and most certainly James White, did appear to have had at least the good intentions of raising the Church's first overseas mission in Britain and this at a very early date, as early as its organization in 1863. There were strong plans in 1874 and 1875, but for varied reasons they were prevented from commencing the mission until 1879.
In the early 1800's the vast majority of the American population had its roots in Britain, and for many there were still family contacts of their own generation.5 Both Sabbatarian Adventists and Seventh-day Adventists natura1ly wanted their kinfolk overseas to discover the message that had come to be so important to them.
Since 1861 the Review had shared with readers the fact that several individuals in Ireland had accepted their teachings through reading matter sent to them by relatives in America. In 1857 a J. Andrews had sent literature to his sister in Ireland with the result that two years later, in 1859, Margaret E. Armstrong and her daughter Sarah Armstrong, both of Tullyvine, Ballyboy, Cavan Co., accepted the Church's beliefs, possibly the very first in Europe, perhaps anywhere in the world outside America and Canada, and certainly the first in the British Isles. Jane Martin, also of Tullyvine, and others soon followed them. There were at least five in the country by the end of 1861, "trying to obey God in keeping His commandments," and "many more" seemed convinced, including one John Greason a longtime preacher, and a Bro. Campbell. Martin had read books from America sent by her sister to her mother, and the Review sent by her uncle. Although convinced of the Sabbath she did not keep it until August 1861. With her in this observance were her two children and their governess. She also gave her house servant that day off.6 By November 1862 Bro. Campbell and his family had "fully come out on the doctrine" of the Sabbath, and a cousin of Martin's, a Mrs Read, also joined them. There was also a "good deal of excitment in this country" about Adventist doctrine, especially among the Methodists. Even Armstrong's male family members, Robert and James, were convinced of the Sabbath, but did not want to stand alone in the whole of the country. Martin and the Whites seem to have kept up a regular correspondence over many years although these letters appear to have been lost.7
Obviously new Sabbatarian Adventists were anxious to see the message go to their homelands. James White as editor of Review wrote of his dream to evangelize Europe, and wrote it in the context of Ireland:
If there could be a mission to Europe; if we could send a well qualified, devoted, and Godly missionary, our people would send in hundreds at two weeks' notice for such an object. If all our ministers and their partners in life were as devoted as our people are, much more could be accomplished, and we might have a man that we could spare, and recommend to a mission to Europe.8
In spite of the pressures of the Civil War, which "interfered with any great success in our public efforts to advance the message,"9 James White reported a few days after the appointment of the Church's first missionary board in 1863 that the General -Conference Executive Committee planned to send B. F. Snook as a "missionary to Europe," to be put into effect before the end of 1863.10 This was possibly a response to the call from Ireland for a missionary,11 especially as plans had been formulating since 1862 to send "a messenger" representative to that country.12 If this were the case then it would mean that worldwide plans were envisaged, and a British Mission was in the minds of the leaders even before the Sabbatarian Adventists organized themselves into the Seventh-day Adventist church. Unfortunately the plans were not to be realized at that time.13
However, the missionary fund was "kept good," at least up to 1864, and James White believed "if thousands were needed, a few weeks would bring them promptly in." Martin and Campbell continued to ask for a missionary to Ireland, and "offer to liberally sustain the mission." It was not the means that was lacking however, but "the man to be spared." America would have been "happy" to send a missionary, well supplied with publications, "if one could be spared."14
Unlike those that had to remain and wait for Seventh-day Adventists to come to them, one family at least made the decision to leave England and go to where Seventh-day Adventists were. The Review was being sent to England by John Sisley of Marshall, Michigan, and the "present truth" received there in 1860 by his family. Sisley had become a Sabbatarian Adventist in 1859 and was a member of the Convis, Michigan church.15
Sisley's family lived in Tunbridge, Kent, England. They had dissented with a company of two hundred persons from the Church of England, and "were living pious lives according to the best light they had." As a result of an effort to establish Sunday sacredness from the scriptures, no doubt an effort to prove a point to son John, they became convicted of the seventh-day Sabbath truth. Not long after this father John was taken ill and died. According to his son-in-law George Burt Starr (1854-1941) his last request to his wife was that if she became convinced that what they had was the truth, which he believe it was, he would advise her to take the children to the United States, where they could have the fellowship of those of like faith, and marry and live among them. Explaining this later Starr gave the reason for the eventual move to the fact that at that time they "knew of no Seventh-day Adventists in England."16
In l862 Suzanne Sisley closed her husband's business and moved the entire family to America where soon the whole family became Seventh-day Adventists. When at the urging of the Whites they moved to Battle Creek, Maud, their fifteen year old and youngest daughter, found employment in the composing room of the Review,17 and the other children too eventually found employment within the church.18
A developing friendship between the Sisleys and the Whites and other leaders of the church no doubt helped in keeping England in the thoughts of these persons.
On the 19 March 1863, four years after embracing the "solemn truth of the third angel's message" in Ireland, Sarah Armstrong also left her native home for America taking residence in Clarence, Iowa, and becoming an official Seventh-day Adventist.19
For twelve years from 1863 no more correspondence from Britain appeared in the Review, and neither was mention made of individuals or interest in England, Scotland or Ireland. What this silence signifies we can only surmise, especially as church members must have continued sending the Church's publications back home, and the "thousands" of Britains coming into the Church in America must also have continually pressured for a mission in Britain.
In the mid 1800s Britain was seen by the young Seventh-day Adventist Church to be strategically situated for the advancement of their mission and message to the whole world. Certainly the common language was seen as a definate asset. In 1870 the Review editor had observed that "if a believer in the world's conversion were asked upon what nations the hope of this great work of evangelizing principally rests, he would doubtless reply, England and America." In the same issue there appears an acknowledgement of "the providence of God in making the United States the theater of that work which should be accomplished, just before the end, for the salvation of men," adding that it is the English language that "possesses advantages over all others."20 England, especially with its worldwide advantages, was seen in the same light. However, it is not until after the British Mission has been put into operation that one begins to see expressed in articles and plans the thinking that has been in the minds of the Church leaders regarding the importance of this Mission in achieving their worldwide goal. By 1886 we find the Chairman of the British Mission Board expressing the belief that "the English mission is destined to be one of the most important in our work . . . perhaps the leading mission in the world,"21 an opinion that seems to have been around for a long time.
Wilcox, writing of the British Mission in Historical Sketches of Foreign Missions, 1886, makes some interesting observations regarding the feelings of the American church concerning Britain. For them England was "the mother country" to that in which the Seventh-day Adventist message had its birth, with the "inconsiderable advantage of having a common tongue." They had fully expected that it would have been in Britain that the Church would first "plant the standard of the last great work of reform," if for no other reason than the fact that already Britain had done more "to spread the knowledge of the word of God than all the other nations combined."22 The leaders of the Church really did believe that Britain was still the key for world evangelism. Certainly they recognized that Britain presented "unparalleled facilities for sending the truth to other nations" through her extensive shipping interests. They saw not only the value, but also the necessity, of using the many ships of England "as a medium to circulate the truth."23 Their expectations still held good for others beside Wilcox, for Britain's possessions were so "situated in all parts of the world that the sun always shines on them."24 Lane was able to remind Review readers of the "well known fact" that "in all England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales there is scarcely a family that has not friends or relatives who have left these mother countries and located in the colonies." He wanted them to realize that if the church was successful in introducing the truth in these Isles, those who became interested in it would send papers and tracts "by the thousands" to their relatives and friends in other lands, and by this means and through personal correspondence, the truth could be sent to all parts of the world.25
The first positive statement to the membership regarding a specific mission to England was made by James White in August 1874 when informing the membership that Andrews had been appointed to Switzerland. He asked the church: "Who will go to England?" He proceeded to inform them, "Have we a better man than Eld. Loughborough?"26 James White's intention came as no surprise to Loughborough. The two men had spoken together on the possibilities of a British Mission before this, and that Loughborough would play a part in it. Loughborough was to write much later: "As early as the spring of 1874, Elder James White began to talk to me about going to England," although "I hardly knew why he should ask me."27
When Andrews was sent to Switzerland the first intention of the Church, certainly of White, was that Loughborough would go with him, or at least follow soon after, in order to commence a mission in Britain. This mission to Switzerland was intended to be but the beginning of a movement throughout Europe, certainly with Andrews going to Central Europe, Loughborough to Britain, and perhaps others to assist these experienced men. At Andrews' departure the General Conference president wrote:
This sending of one of our leading men as a missionary to the old world, is an event in the progress of the cause of great interest. We can but expect it will open the way for the progress of the work in all directions in Europe.28
For the early leaders of the church the term "Europe" signified the Old World, which included Central Europe, Great Britain, and even Scandinavia, which was often refered to as Northern Europe.29 Britain was spoken of as "that part of Europe where the English language is spoken."30 The intention in 1874 was obviously to begin mission centers in the whole of the Old World, and do this in a short space of time. These plans of the leadership are not fully understood until we eventually see these three missions in place by 1879.
Perhaps in an attempt to show the need for action in regard to overseas missions, and the need for entering the old world of Europe, the Review again began, in 1874, to show the increasing interest in the church and its message in other lands. Individuals were reported as keeping the Sabbath in England, Europe, Scandinavia, Mexico, Australia, and New Zealand,31 and calls continued to come for literature from China, New Zealand, Scotland, and Ireland.32 Haskell believed that "publications upon present truth are called for by individuals in almost every nation under heaven where civilization exists."33
When and why the mission to Britian was again aborted is not clear. Loughborough's first wife died in 1874 and this could have been responsible for a considerable delay on the Church's part that year, for Andrews continued to expect him, and wrote in the Sabbath Memorial of January 187534 encouraging the Sabbath-keepers of England, "God is about to revive this cause of His downtrodden Sabbath in Great Britain and Ireland." He was still expectant as late as the spring of 1875. Andrews again expressed his belief to church leaders and believers in the United States that success in Britain would of course be dependent on sufficient men being sent. He was still pleased that Loughborough was coming, although Loughborough alone would not be enough.35 Loughborough did remarry in 1875,36 but was to remain in California as president of that field until the end of 1878 when he eventually did leave for England four years late. However, James White kept the pump primed with Loughborough over those years and, according to Loughborough, continued to mention and hint at his going to England. White herself was also party to the plan and publically announced her belief that Loughborough would eventually be asked to go to England. Cornell had heard her say in one of her talks that "if Elder Loughborough is faithful, his labors will yet be called for in England."37
In 1878 Butler explained that plans for England were always in the minds of the leadership, and that the Church had been waiting "for years" for an opportunity to send someone to that country, just "waiting" for "the right time."38
Convention, from as early as 1886, dates the commencement of the British Mission from the time of William Ings, "the first SDA worker in England," who arrived on 23 May 1878, or from the decision of the General Cenference of that year to send Loughborough to England.39 However, it began in embryo much earlier, and the writer agrees with recent research into the life and work of Andrews that his role in representing the Church in Britain over the years 1874 to his death has been "a neglected episode in his life," and in the history of the British Mission. Perhaps he was "the father of the English Mission."40
There is good reason to believe that Andrews and Loughborough had planned to leave for Europe together, but when Loughborough's wife died that year of 1874 there was need for delay on his part. However, there can be no doubt that in Andrews mind he would eventually be working in Europe with Loughborough, or at least with others that the church would presently send. There is good reason for him to believe that Loughborough's arrival in Britain is still planned for the near future.
In addition to his long term interest in the Swiss membership, which no doubt led him to his present appointment, Andrews had also had close ties to the Seventh-day Baptists and their leaders, not only in the United States but also more recently in Britain. Andrews very obviously intended that his journey to Switzerland would take him first to Britain. It was an important stopover. Anticipating the arrival in Britain of Loughborough, or some other persons, in the not too distant future Andrews had come prepared to familiarize himself with the situation in Britain, to introduce the Seventh-day Adventist Church personally to at least some of the interested persons, and perhaps prepare the ground a little as best he knew how.41
Andrews was fully aware of the existance of a small number of English Seventh-day Baptists, heirs of those of the seventeenth century.42 Considering all Sabbath-keepers as brothers, he had been a delegate and speaker at the 1871 Seventh Day Baptist General Conference,43 and had formed a good, Christian friendship with them, and over some months with William M. Jones the pastor of the London Seventh Day Baptist congregation and leader of their work in Britain. How the friendship first began is not revealed, but was perhaps through Andrews' book History of the Sabbath, portions of which Jones had printed in his Sabbath Memorial. Nathan Wardner, a minister and leader of the Seventh-day Baptists, also acknowledged his debt to Andrews in a series of Sabbath tracts, Nature's God and His Memorial.44 Andrews was a delegate to the Seventh-day Baptist General Conference in 1873 and probably listened to a letter read out from Jones at that time.45 An article, a defence of Seventh-day Adventists, written by Jones appeared in the London Christian Shield in January 1874, and was perhaps sent to Andrews for it appeared in the Review three months later.46 Certainly correspondence between the two men must have begun early for Jones knew of Andrews coming to Europe as early as May 1874.47 By then Andrews' plans were well advanced,48 and he informed the believers in America that he intended to meet Jones in London.49
Andrews and his party docked at Liverpool at a weekend, probably late Saturday evening 24 September 1874.50 Not being able to take the train to London until the Monday, Andrews and his party booked into a local hotel.51 On Sunday they went to hear Hugh Stowell Brown, "one of the leading Baptist ministers of Liverpool." Interestingly Andrews reported Brown as preaching "that God sometimes answers our prayers by providential events which seem to be designed to thwart all that we have asked." Perhaps he had his Church's mission to Britain in mind, or more specifically his own life.
On Monday, purchasing third-class train tickets, Andrews covered the 200 miles to London in about six hours. Arriving at Euston Station they were met by the Jones who had booked them into reasonable accomodation.52 He was impressed with Jones' church at Mill Yard, "the oldest existing Sabbath-keeping church of which we have knowledge." No doubt it was here that the two men sat to plan their program for the next two weeks.
Jones wished to introduce Andrews to as many Sabbath-keepers and Sabbath-keeping sites as possible, and Andrews had himself come with a list of interested names which he had been given by friends and by the Review.53 The first week was spent in London Sabbatarian site-seeing, which Andrews outlined in some detail for Review readers,54 did some visiting, and on the Sabbath he and his party worshipped with Jones and his small congregation and celebrated "the supper of the Lord."
Because Seventh Day Baptists in Britain now consisted "of but a handful" Jones, who had taken his pastorate in 1872, had been trying to revive his church in Britain "by means of advertizing," opening up "a correspondence with all the scattered Sabbath-keepers in Great Britain and Ireland, and with all who are friendly to the Sabbath."
The second week Andrews and Jones proceeded to visit with a number of these Seventh Day Baptists in Tewkesbury, Gloucestershire, and with interests in Glasgow, Scotland, visits which had obviously been planned in advance of Andrews' departure from America. They travelled to Tewkesbury on 5 October to visit the only other Seventh Day Baptist congregation in Britain. They stayed with the pastor, a first-day Baptist minister, and visited the little five member Notton church. The next day they talked of the progress of the Sabbath cause in America and of some of the reasons for the observance of the fourth commandment. A night train took them to meetings in Glasgow on 8 October where six persons had been able to accept the invitation sent to "friends of the Sabbath" in Scotland and in Ireland. Some who could not come sent letters of greeting which were read at the meetings. There was one representative from Ireland who reported that her father had just recently begun to observe the Sabbath in Belfast. A man from the north of Scotland was baptized. At this meeting Jones and Andrews spoke of "what we hoped to be able to do in Great Britain," a significant remark indicating that Britain was indeed in the plans for the European mission, and figured in the plans of the Church. The meeting, called by some a "Sabbath Conference,"55 was an encouragement to Andrews as he observed men and women preparing to stand for the truth. A regular Sabbath meeting was organized no doubt under the care of the Seventh Day Baptists.
As a result of this 1874 visit to Britain, Andrews observed that "the Sabbath cause is very low in Great Britain, and has seemed threatened with extinction." He estimated about 30 Seventh Day Baptists.56 His contact with his list of interests compiled before sailing from America proved nothing but a "painful disappointment." He did, however, believe there were individuals searching for the truth, but he had not found them. Despite his high praise for Jones and his work, he recognized that one Seventh Day Baptist in London was not sufficient witness to the Sabbath, not to mention the Second Coming. Yet he saw "some very encouraging things in tbe discovery of Sabbath-keepers and in the conversion of a few here and e1sewhere to the observance of the commmandments of God."
If nothing else Andrews had established a bond between his church and the Seventh Day Baptist believers in Britain, and wished to strengthen that bond for the sake of the Sabbath and friendship between the two denominations. One cannot agree with a premise of some57 that Andrews believed the best hope for converts for the church was among Seventh Day Baptists. His feelings would probably have been the opposite, there being so few of them to begin with. As has been pointed out Andrews was an ecuminist and sought only good relations with Seventh Day Baptists in America and England,58 encouraging them only in the promotion of the Sabbath. Writing for Review readers he encouraged Seventh-day Adventists to "meet the Seventh Day Baptists in such a manner that we shall be helpers to them and they to us." With reference to the Seventh Day Baptist churches in England he would like to see them "strengthened and enlarged." He was anxious that "there must not be strife between us, for we are brethren."59 While he recognized a common belief in the Sabbath Andrews did recognize the differences in other important beliefs, and was anxious for his church to establish their own presence in Britain. In fact writing the church on 5 October 1874 he expressed strong belief that an effort should most definately be made by the church for Britain:
I believe that the time has come when a special effort should be made for this country and when the state of things is propitious for such an effort. I have been sensible of the presence of God every day since we left Boston, and especially since we came to England. I am sure that God is ready to bless the preaching of his truth if we only walk before him to his acceptance.60
Wilcox mistakenly states that William Ings in 1878 was the first to make a "published appeal in behalf of Britain,"61 but Andrews was to strongly and consistently urge the establishment of headquarters in Britain between 1874 and 1878. Andrews and his family departed London for Switzerland via Newhaven, Dieppe and Paris on Monday 12 October 1874,62 and on arrival he again encouraged the America leaders to repay what he considered a debt they owed England, as it was from here the Sabbath truth first reached America. He believed the work would be easier then in other foreign countries because of the common language and of the existance of the new publication of Signs of the Times as an evangelizing tool.63 The time for a "special effort" in Old England seems to have come, but unfortunately it does not appear "propitious" for the Church in America, and nobody was sent.
With all the pressures on him in Switzerland Andrews was not able to revisit his interests in Britain when no one arrived to begin the mission or carry out the plans he would so willingly and earnestly have shared with them. It would seem that lack of workers, rather than financial means, prevented the church from carrying out promises made earlier to British interests. Andrews was to do what he could.
The lady in whose home the Glasgow meetings were conducted wrote to the New England Vigilant Missionary Society indicating that the meetings had resulted in regular prayer gatherings each Saturday evening. Six individua1s were attending, including the writer and her mother.64 Eventually the Seventh Day Baptists appointed Nathan Wardner one of their ministers to care for the group and other interests in Ireland, certainly up until 1876 when lack of funds and the health of Wardner's wife resulted in his return to the USA.65
Despite a very busy program in Central Europe Andrews still managed to support, at the least, the Sabbath cause in Britain. This fact has recently led to his being called "a sort of Adventist missionary in absentia."66 Certainly Andrews continued to help maintain an interest in the spread of the Sabbath truth through the Seventh Day Baptist publications in England. He encouraged subscriptions by Seventh-day Adventists in America to the Sabbath Memorial67 and often wrote for its columns, telling of his discoveries of Sabbath-keepers in Europe and encouraging them to keep the faith. At the request of Jones he also wrote a short history of the Seventh-day Adventists.68 In 1878 the Seventh-day Adventists again sent delegates to the Seventh Day Baptist General Conference, and Andrews encouraged a continuing interest between the two bodies.69
Letters continued to appear in the Review during 1875 following Andrews visit to England and Scotland. Parents of a daughter in Tuscola County, Mich. were keeping the Sabbath in Lincolnshire because of literature she had sent them.70 A man in the area of Grimsby was keeping the Sabbath as a result of literature sent from America by a friend, and another in Belfast as a result of reading Andrews' History of the Sabbath.71 There were also requests for literature and thanks for the Review. Members in America were again reminded that results were being seen because of their interest in the family back in the homeland. But letters cease to appear between 1875 and 1878 when there was a new need to arouse a fresh interest in Britain.
In July 1876 Andrews commenced printing a paper in the French language, Signes Des Temps. The news of the first issue was hailed with joy by the leadership in America who were happy to take some credit to themselves, and saw in it the marking of a new era in the work for Europe. However, to their credit they recognized that "it lays us under renewed obligation to do what is required of us to support that branch of the work."72 Andrews immediately sent each issue to a list of about four hundred families in ten countries, including England and Scotland. "Several persons" in England, "entire strangers," specifically requested the paper. But Andrews lamented that "everything connected with the publication of the paper comes upon three or four persons." D. T. Bourdeau, who had joined him in the Swiss mission translated materials into the French language, but soon moved to evangelize in southern France. Erzberger was laboring in Germany and could render no assistance. The Swiss membership were unable to help because the Andrews lived some "considerable distance" from them. Andrews a1so suffered the disadvantages of having no office or printing press of his own. The major portion of the printing therefore fell upon Andrews and his family members. He reported, "this work has consumed all my time and strength." Yet he looked forward with great interest to the time when, "in the providence of God," it will be possible to have a German edition of the paper. However, he makes a valid point, "I hope that the Lord will raise up help for us," for he was anxious to "spend a portion of my time in the field."73
One year later, at the General Conference of September 1877, three years after his departure as a foreign missionary, it was voted to "pledge ourselves anew to sustain our beloved brother, Elder J. N. Andrews, and his fellow laborers in the work there, by sending him additional helpers as soon as in our power."74
Four years after Andrews had laid the plans of the Church before certain interests in Britain we learn that these interests began to get restless, weary, and frustrated, and well they might. During the years these individuals had been encouraging the church leadership, by making their suggestions, offering their services of practical help, anything to get the Mission started. Jones and Wardner had circulated many Seventh-day Adventist tracts along with their own "which have had their influence to prepare the way for more concentrated and efficient labor by an experienced American missionary."75 But Jones in London, James Scott in Scotland, and Mills in Glasgow appear to have been somewhat ignored, at least until October 1877. Unfortunately there is no record of their correspondence back and forth across the Atlantic over these four years. The one letter we do have, written in June 1878, would seem to indicate, reading between the lines, that perhaps a lack of finance has been given as a main reason for the slow response of the American church.76
The letter comes from James Scott who had been a Sabbath-keeping Christian for "a few years," and is sorry "progress is slow in Britain." He wonders if his advice and that of Jones and Mills had been followed there would have been by now self-supporting churches, at least in Scotland, by l878. Nothing much has been done, and therefore there has been no advancement. He indicates something of the advice given and the reasons why they want a missionary from America:
I wanted meetings in the open air, and offered to lead off, but this plan was not adopted; hence there has been no progress. Still, seeds have been sown, and it is my opinion that if there was a suitable missionary here, - one who would preach Christ's gospel and teaching, and of course the Sabbath keeping, in the corners and the public places in summer, and indoors in winter, progress would be made . . .
Let a missionary be engaged for two years, who will be subject to a director or directors in America or Scotland, or in both countries combined. Let him preach to all, immersers and sprinklers in baptism; let there be free communion, but make it imperative to preach salvation to all, the duty of keeping the ten commandments unabridged, the second coming of the Lord, and the life everlasting. Let this be done and no doubt the reef will be cut, and the golden treasure found in abundance.77
He did not consider finance a problem, and suggested:
It would cost but very little. About 200 might nearly cover the entire expense for one year . . .
Suppose two hundred persons, as an experiment, would subscribe 2 each, to be paid in quarterly, as needed, it would be no mighty matter as to the money whether it would succeed or not . . .78
Scott does not have to be a very keen observer of the facts. Since l875, and Andrews initial visit to Britain, absolutely nothing has been attempted by the Church, and certainly nothing had been achieved in Britain, except the circulation of literature to and by interested persons in the Sabbath and kindred beliefs. An acknowledgment of the facts by the Church is indicated in the very publication of Scott's letter in the Review. Scott rightly sees plans for a Seventh-day Adventist mission in Britain at a standstill:
To talk of progress here in the present state of matters would be to delude. How can anything be done without hands? At a great sacrifice and risk, I here, and another in Glasgow, and a third in London, and a fourth in Ireland, may keep our lights burning; but what progress is made? But let there be a combined effort, and there will be progress. Distributing tracts will never form churches. I hope that the subject will be considered, and that some who have faith in God, as the husbandman has, will cast the seed on the earth, that it may appear afterward.79
Obviously interested parties in Britain have been making themselves heard in correspondence and had some effect on the leaders in America. The l877 General Conference addressed the embarrasing situation. On 17 September the Committee on Resolutions resolved:
That we express our sympathy for the friends of the Sabbath reform, in those portions of Europe where the English language is spoken, and we hope to be able ere long to establish a mission in that field.80
However, it was still to be another year before there was any real, concerted effort made to send anyone specifically to live and labor in Britain. Finances were short and even the workers in Switzerland were not doing as much as they otherwise could for want of means. Again James White sent out pledge papers encouraging members to take part in the work in Europe. He was anxious to have the finances in hand by 1 January 1879, "and a portion or all sooner if possible."81
It is interesting that the promised help for Andrews came in December 1877, in the form of two experienced institututional workers from the Battle Creek publishing house, and both were of British birth. Both were appointed to first equip and organize the new publishing house in Switzerland. It is not known for sure if it was the intention of the American leadership that when the appointed work in Switzerland was done one or both would be reassigned to England to help in the Mission there, but it seems likely.82
William Ings (d. l897) was born in Morden, County of Hampshire, England, and lived with his parents in the Southampton area until emigrating to the United States of America at the age of eleven. He considered America his "adopted country" where he had "prospered well and gained considerable property," but gave up his occupation and entered the employment of the Review just prior to going to Switzerland. At the Review he had constructed stands for the cases of type that would be needed in Basel, and other work there called for the services of a carpenter. His wife Jenny was of German descent and had recently set up material for German and Italian tracts. They were an ideal couple, especially in view of the plans for a printing house for Switzerland and for a German publication early in 1878.83
Maud Sisley (1851-1937), the daughter of Susanne Sisley and sister of John Sisley had, as we have seen above, immigrated to America with her family in l862 at the age of eleven. At the urging of the Whites she had, at the age of 15, taken employment in the composing room of the Review where she stayed for ten years. She was a sincere Christian young lady who took every opportunity to better herself for service to the church. She became a charter member of the first Tract Society in Battle Creek and for six months had entered self-supporting missionary work in Ohio. Sisley was 26 when sent to Europe. She was confident, and, some would say, strong willed. She became the first Seventh-day Adventist single woman sent overseas.84
Passage was booked for them from the Warren steamship company aboard the Minnesota, a British built vessel. They went aboard on Friday 16 November 1877 for departure the next day at 7.00 A.M. The voyage took eleven and a half days on an ocean "as smooth as in summer." Writing of his inner feelings at leaving Ings remembered "it was a sad moment to realize that we were to leave our adopted country and dear friends, not knowing how soon we should return, if ever."85
Writing from Liverpool on 29 November the Ings indicated their plans to stop in Crewe, a town on the direct rail line to London, to spend a few days with relatives, and hoped "to scatter some seeds of truth there."86 However it is more likely they travelled direct to London to meet Andrews who had arrived there by 24 November, and had consequently made plans to meet them in London so that together they could acquire the supplies needed for setting up the printing program in Switzerland.87 Andrews first met with Jones and his congregation, and used Jones' experience in publishing to find printing materials they could afford. Andrews found time, he reported, to attend a service in Westminster Abbey, and to listen to a sermon by Spurgeon at the Metropolitan Tabernacle.88 After just one week the whole party left for Switzerland, 7 December 1877, without seeing Ings relatives, certainly in Southampton.89 By the time Andrews returned to England again the British Mission had been established. However, Ings would return to England on 23 May l878, some six months later. It seems his work, establishing the Swiss publishing house, kept him occupied for that period of time.
In the meantime James White had been busy trying to find a man for England, to fulfill the terms of the September 1877 resolution of the General Conference. Since the spring of 1874 he had mentioned to Loughborough on occasions that the work in England should begin, and hinted at his going there. Now "in the spring of 1878" James White informs him that he is to attend the Seventeenth Annual Session of the General Conference to be held in October, and that they will vote that he go to England.90
Loughborough was not so sure of the wisdom of the anticipated move and replied to James White indicating that he did not think it advisable to change direction just then. He wrote:
I replied with eight reasons why I did not think it advisable to make such a move then. The most important were these: first, so many enterprises had been begun in the work here that ought to be completed; and second, if I were to go to that field, I ought to have at least a year to study English customs, so as to enter the field understandingly.91
It took little to demolish Loughborough's reasons for not going to England immediately, although it was hard to leave what he had built up in Colorado and Nevada. Loughborough expressed his reactions to White's answer:
Two sentences of White's brief reply swept away my eight reasons for not going. He said, 'If you stay a year longer to complete what you say is begun, you will find more 'begun' that needs to be finished than you see now. As for the study of English customs and adapting yourself to the work in England, the best place to study these things is right there on the ground where you see the customs for yourself. Still it was not clear in my mind. Having spent ten years in California and witnessed the rise of the work from the first, it was not easy to let go.92
Meanwhile, on 23 May 1878, Ings made a visit to England, perhaps suggested by Andrews. This visit took him to Southampton "to labor for a time among his relatives," especially for his "several cousins," with whom he was prepared to disseminate his religious views.93 During this two weeks stay he a1so visited house to house and aboard ships, passing out tracts and other papers. He found a great interest shown in what he had to offer, with people requesting tracts to give away to the members of their churches, to neighbors, and to send away to friends.94
Ings wrote very enthusiastically to friends and fellow believers in America telling them of the openings for "the message" in England and soliciting their support. One such letter addressed to the Seventh-day Adventist Missionary Society of Battle Creek, Michigan, shows that Ings agreed with those interests in Britain regarding the possibilities for evangelizing the country. He observed a willingness on the part of many to learn of the Bible and of health:
I was astonished to find the people so eager to read. . . As I talked on some of the prophecies, my heart was made glad to see how eagerly they drank down the truth. So far I have had no opposition and the people receive our reading matter gladly. . . Health tracts are asked for. I think I can safely say that not one in twenty has good health.95
He certainly was not in favor of at least some of the health habits of the British:
The people eat five times a day, the last meal is just before going to bed, and they depend on their tea as much as a drunkard does on his drinks.96
More importantly he did see a good chance for evangelizing the world through Britain's sea commerce:
I placed some of our publications on board a ship going to Brazil, also on one going to India, receiving the promise that they should be circulated among the natives. I visit the harbor on Sunday to circulate tracts among the sailors. They were so eager to read, that those I passed by, on seeing others have tracts, would follow me, and ask me to give them some. One man asked for publications to be sent to a man on the Red Sea, another wished tracts sent to Bombay, East Indies . . . It seemed that the Spirit of God compelled people to scatter the seeds of truth.97
Ings considered his short stay in England beneficial, planned to return, and requested the best minister the church could send to commence the work in Britain:
As a result of my two weeks stay in Southampton, two worthy persons are rejoicing in the truth, and I hope for others. When I left I promised to return, which I expect to do soon. . . It seems to me that the time has come for a general move to be made to all parts of the world. England needs one of our best ministers. I hope the conference will send one soon.98
Perhaps Ings' letter to America helped to encourage the leadership in their plans for Britain, for on 27 June the General Conference committee decided that the time had come to give consideration to the opening of a mission in Britain. James White, as president of the General Conference, presented a recommendation to Review readers "that a mission be opened immediately in England," and that "Elder J. N. Loughborough is the man to take charge of it."99 However they would wait until October before sending him so that the General Conference in session could consider the matter officially.
Ings no sooner returned to Switzerland following his two week witnessing vacation than he was very quickly dispatched back to England, in perhaps less than three weeks, so fulfilling his promise to return much faster than he had anticipated. He now has something of a plan and purpose for this visit and sets about evangelizing in earnest. His major intention while in England was "to prepare the way for Bro. Loughborough, so that he may have a foothold." This time he appears to have had no time limit on his stay, although by mid July he does speak of returning to Switzerland in mid August.100
After spending "several weeks" in doing missionary work, and visiting nearly two hundred families, with some results, Ings writes to White concerning his endeavors and personal feelings regarding work and people in England. He informs her of his belief:
It seems to me that this field has been neglected so long that God would show us as a people how far we are behind his providence, by using those not in the truth to scatter his message.101
His personal opinion, with some reservations, is that the planned mission should be centered in Southampton, and that it could be successful and Loughborough find a beginning on his arrival:
He would find many friends to the truth here. The way would be opened for lectures; and, this being a sea port where vessels are constantly leaving for all parts of the globe, it would make an excellent point for doing missionary labor. I find as good people in England as in any country I have been in, yet all the medium class have all they can do to live, and in consequence it might be quite a while before a mission here would be self sustaining; but I think when the people see the truth they will be more stable than those in America. Of course obstacles and trials would be found here as well as elsewhere; but I believe God is ready to set his hand to the work in this island.102
However, he had no specific directive yet as to his part in this British Mission, and is awaiting some kind of decision from the leaders as to whether he should remain in England or return to Basel:
I am in good health and courage, but am puzzled to know what to do. I have asked in prayer to be directed. I have thought I would remain here three weeks longer, then if no special light came I should return to Switzerland.103
Obviously communication between Ings and those in America is a problem and he does not know what is going on. Eventually he spent a total of seventeen or eighteen weeks in Britain before returning to Switzerland, reporting ten keeping the Sabbath. Ings and his wife Jenny would return to Britain a few days before the arrival of Loughborough at the end of December 1878.104
At the same time Ings is writing his letter to White, Loughborough is travelling by train on his way to conduct meetings in Reno, Nevada, praying for light "about going to England." The executive committee of the General Conference had made up its mind, the believers have been given a recommendation, but Loughborough is still unsettled. After an hour of sleep, he remembers later, he was awakened as if shaken by a hand:
Then the thought came vividly to mind, "Put up your household goods for sale and make arrangements to go to England." Although this was contrary to reason, my mind was now at rest.105
He immediately wrote to his wife Anna, in Oakland, California, telling her to sell their personal effects and to leave the sale to Providence. A church member who was soon to be married bought everything except their books and clothing. Al1 this Loughborough saw as the movings of God.
Now the General Conference Committee, through James White, again urged the constituency to vote for the British Mission at the coming session in October. In placing the decision of the General Conference Committee before the constituency James White deplored the fact that "up to this date we have done but very little for Great Britain and those countries under her Majesty's rule." He was convinced that "we are making a mistake in neglecting Great Britain and these countries where the people speak our language." He informs them that he plans to lay the matter before the General Conference for action of that body, "as there is a general expectation in England and Scotland that we send help very soon, the present autumn is evidently the time to strike." He also hoped that the whole church membership would support his venture.106
Butler seconded the plan outlined by White, and gave some reasons for the delay when he emphasized his hopes to the membership when writing in the church paper some weeks later:
Nothing has occured for many years in connection with our cause which has afforded me more satisfaction than the expected mission to England. For years I have been waiting with much interest for the development of God's providence to indicate that the right time had come. I believe we have reached it at last.107
Butler also deplored the neglect of the world's English speaking population:
For years it has seemed strange indeed that while we have been making earnest efforts to plant the truth among those of other tongues, and have sent leading men among them, who had to go through the long and tedious process of learning a strange language and becoming acquainted with the customs of the people, we should have neglected to send men to England, where they could commence at once to preach and scatter publications in our own language.108
James White in telling the membership that they are to open a Mission in Great Britain assures them that they also have "plans for making it a success."109 To encourage the "discouraged few in England" James White places a report on behalf of the General Conference Committee in Signs which was already finding its way to Britain.110 He indicates the committee's plan to not only send Loughborough but recommend one Joseph Smith, "an Englishman by birth," who had spent several years at Battle Creek, and suggests that the two others, born in England and now helping Andrews in Switzerland, "could labor as missionaries" with Loughborough "to great advantage."111 Haskell was also under appointment to visit Europe at this time, perhaps to assist in the establishment of the new Mission.112
The intention of James White was to see first the establishment of a Mission in England, and when this was "fully" done he believed it would open "a thousand avenues" throughout "the United Kingdom of Great Britain" which embraced "England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales." But more than this, he saw Great Britain as encompassing "those countries under her Majesty's rule," countries "where the people speak our language." These countries consisted of "Australia, New Zealand, and many islands of the sea," James White saw them as "a vast field of labor."113
Obviously others had caught the vision, understanding the plans of the leadership. Ings, for example, when he heard the news that finally the mission was programed to go, expressed his belief that "we are certainly on the eve of a great event . . . we shall soon see the truth spread to all parts of the world."114
As had been done in Battle Creek, recently in Oakdale, California, and presently being done in Switzerland, James White saw the advantages of a printing establishment in England also. His plans were to reprint all the Church's works in the English language and to "circulate throughout the United Kingdom, and wherever Her Majesty's rule extended." He saw a "ten-fold" greater reason for raising money for a press in England than in Switzerland, and envisioned a press established there within two years of Loughborough's arrival in Great Britain. The press would be under the supervision of W. C. White, his son, and perhaps the most knowledgeable person within the Church as regards printing and publishing. However, he wanted Loughborough to reprint tracts and smaller pamphlets "immediately upon his arrival" and not wait for two years.115
Certainly James White saw little difficulty in establishing the Church in Britain, although not as simplified as Scott thought it to be. White's vision was more extensive, if sufficient workers could be placed there and funds raised to support the Mission. He recognised that within the ranks of Seventh-day Adventists there were "thousands" who were born in England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, and who had left "tens of thousands" of relatives and friends behind when coming to America. He believed that when a Mission was begun correspondence should begin, and publications be sent, calling their attention to what the Church was doing there.116
Butler was as excited as James White about the new venture and wanted the American membership to understand:
This mission is another grand step in this great work. Firmly believing that God is in it, and that he will abundantly sustain his servants who shall go there to labor, and not doubting the readiness of our people to fully equip this mission, as Bro. White has suggested, let us all do our part, as individuals, in establishing and sustaining it, and be faithful in our stewardship. May God abundantly bless the English mission.117
However finances must be raised and an income for the British Mission maintained. In his promotion of the Mission to Great Britain James White called for the raising of a $100,000 fund. At this time the membership of the church officially stood at around 20,000 members and therefore James White promoted:
Divide $100,000 among 20,000 persons and the result is $5.00 for each one to raise in a period of two years, or less than twenty cents a month, or less than five cents a week, or eight mills or four fifth of a cent in each secular day in a period of two years. In such a worthy enterprise, so easily accomplished with united efforts, every man, woman and child in the ranks of Seventh-day Adventists will wish to take a part. We will see.118
The General Conference Committee hoped to raise this amount within a seventeen month period, within one year of the commencement of the Mission. Again James White promoted:
This subject will be laid before the General Conference for the action of that body when the matter will be more fully set before the friends of the cause, and pledge papers will be circulated for $100,000 to be paid in installments before the first day of January, 1880.119
This sum probably represented more money than had ever been raised by the constituency, certainly in this period of time. However, over the past years the constituency had established missionaries in Switzerland, Germany, France, Italy, Denmark and Egypt, and were preparing publications in the French, German, Danish, Swedish, Italian, Spanish and Dutch languages. Already "not less than one hundred thousand dollars" had been raised to support those missionaries, to publish books and papers in these languages and to establish a press in Switzerland. Although some monies seem to have been put aside for the British Mission by July 1878 they had very little "for Great Britain and other countries under her Majesty's rule." James White believed:
In reference to what we have done for the people of other tongues, and what we have not done for Great Britain, may it not be said, in the language of the Master, "These ought ye to have done, and not to leave the other undone." (Mat.23:23.)120
Consequently the matter was to be laid before the General Conference in session for action, and "pledges of means" circulated.121 The estimation of the cost of launching so important a Mission was probably not an excessive estimation. Obviously from the remarks of his contemporaries James White was clear thinking and a far sighted administrator. Of him as president of the General Conference it was said:
He has shown his adaptability to this position by being the first to see and the clearest to comprehend the situation and the most active to plan in devising ways and means to meet emergencies and provide for the growing wants of the cause.122
What has not been made clear in Seventh-day Adventist church history, and what perhaps was not understood clearly by the membership of the time, is that in the minds of the General Conference Committee a mission to "Great Britain" was to include "other countries under her Majesty's rule."123 Not until later, in January of the next year, does the General Conference Committee make it clear that the $100,000 is needed to establish the church's work in more countries than those of the British Isles, and for establishing a publishing and printing institution:
The time has fully come to start a mission in England to be extended throughout Great Britain. Eld. Loughborough is already in that field. We call for one hundred thousand dollars for that mission, to be paid in eight quarterly payments. The sum is not too large to meet the expenses of missionaries to England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, Australia, and elsewhere in the Queen's dominions, and to establish a complete publishing house.124
Now it becomes clear that if such a sum as was being asked could not be gathered the chances of success with the British Mission and expansion worldwide would be greatly reduced.
The plan did not meet with a very good response from the constituency, some of whom were much involved in meeting pledges made to other missionary enterprises at the time. Suggestions were soon made that the raising of such a large sum of money be held in abeyance until other obligations had been met.125 Perhaps because such thinking was quite general, the advisability of extending operations to Great Britain was not considered until the last day of the tenth session of the 17th Annual Session of the General Conference convening at 3:00 P.M., 14 October. However, at that time the following resolution, made by James White, was unanimously adopted:
Resolved: That in the opinion of this conference the time has fully come to open a mission in Great Britain, and
1. That Elder J.N.Loughborough be our missionary to that field.
2. That there should be a committee of three to take the entire supervision of the work in Europe, who should act in harmony with, under the direction of, the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists of America
3. That Eld. J. N. Andrews, J. N. Loughborough, and a third brother whom these two appoint, be that committee.126
Ings had suggested earlier that the expanding church of America send Britain one of her "best ministers," and now the General Conference had responded with certainly one of the most experienced ministers she had, John Norton Loughborough (1832-1924) was a pioneer evangelist and administrator, having accepted the teachings of the young church in 1852. He was ordained to the ministry two years later in 1854 at the age of 22. Loughborough had been a lay preacher with the non-Sabbatarian Adventists for three years prior to joining the Seventh-day Adventists and had learned to support himself by carpentry and any other kind of work available. For a number of years he had conducted evangelistic work in Pennsylvania, New York State and the Mid-West. He was president of the Michigan Conference 1865-1868. While treasurer of the General Conference for the year 1868-1869 he pioneered Seventh-day Adventist work in California, and in three years had established five churches,127 becoming the first president of the California field 1873-1878. He had just begun the work in Nevada,128 when called the second time to begin the British Mission. He was 45 years of age.129 His pioneering labors had obviously given him wide experience in hard work, facing difficulties experienced in new fields, and a good administrative understanding of the growing church. As we have discovered the 1878 call to work in England came as no surprise to Loughborough.
Following the General Conference Session of 14 October Loughborough and his wife spent a few weeks in New York and Massachussetts before leaving from South Lancaster for Boston on 10 December 1878. Both Andrews, who had attended the General Conference session in the September,130 and Loughborough were to be speakers at the Wellville, N.Y., campmeeting of 9-11 November, and the plan was for them to sail together to England. It is possible that together they intended to establish the British Mission.131 However, Andrews' daughter, who had travelled with him to America, died of tuberculosis 27 November and he was devastated. White consequently encouraged Andrews to stay in America for a time, perhaps to remarry, and then to return to "Old England" and spend time there.132 He would not arrive in England until June 1879.
Loughborough made arrangements to depart from Boston Wednesday 18 December on the Minnesota of the Warren Line, but his agent telegraphed him to say the ship could carry no passengers and the company was dispatching the Homer instead, and he would get a $10 refund. Arriving on the day of departure Loughborough was informed that the Homer would not now be taking passengers. The agent, Mr O'Hara, transfered them free of expense to the Nevada of the Williams and Guion Line which sailed from New York the next day, 17 December. The trip was uneventful except for some days of rough seas due to heavy storms which had passed over them.133 The trip took a little more than twelve days and on Sunday 29 December they docked at Liverpool and cleared customs. On Monday 30 December they arrived Southampton at 4.00P.M. "in rain," and were met by Ings.134
During the voyage, on Friday 20 December, Anna Loughborough had her thirty-ninth birthday. The day after arrival they rented Stanley Cottage. Loughborough's concluding entry for 1878 reads: "So ends 1878 in old England, land of my progenitors." He had arrived. Historian that he was, he immediately went out and bought a Shilling Diary for 1879.135
By the end of 1878 the third Old World Mission had been launched. The General Conference committee expressed its belief that these Missions were of the uttermost importance to the Church's work. To establish these Missions on a good, firm footing at the very outset, as a base for all other worldwide enterprises, was a major concern, and may have been a reason for the four year time span of 1874-1878. Expressing their intentions and concerns they wrote:
It is safe to say that there is no nation in Christendom or the world that may not be reached through them when these missions become fully established and do the work God would have them do. Hence we consider these by far the most important missions we shall ever establish till the close of time. Lesser ones may grow out of these; but these are the most important of any we shall ever see.136
Butler believed that the order of things was right and in the providential workings of God:
Had the opposite course been pursued, the English nation would now be far advanced, while there would have to be a delay of years before we could do much in the French, German, and Italian languages. Now our brethren there are fairly prepared to work in those languages just as the English mission is to be entered upon with vigor, and thus both can be nearly on an equality in closing up the great work of the world.137
Certainly Butler believed that now the Missions of Europe had been established it was only necessary to work through them to proclaim the Church's message to the world, then the Second Advent would truely take place.
2Butler, "Mission to England," RH, 15 August 1878, p.60.
3James White, "Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878, p.44.
4William Ings to Ellen G. White, "Letter from England," RH, 5 September 1878, p.87; ST, 19 September 1878, p.277; James White, "Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878, p.44; Butler, "Mission to England," RH, 15 August 1878, p.60; White, LS, p.213.
5James White, "Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878, p.44.
6J. Andrews to [U] Smith, "Extract from a Letter from Ireland," RH, 14 August 1860, p.103; Jane Martin to James White, 9 October 1861, "Sabbath in Ireland," RH, 19 November 1861, pp.198,199; Jane Martin to Ellen G. White, 16 November 1862, "A Letter from Ireland," RH, 16 December 1862, pp.21,22; M. E. Armstrong to James White, 11 October 1861, "Sabbath in Ireland," 19 November 1861, p.198.
7Jane Martin to Ellen White, 16 November 1882, "Letter from Ireland," RH, 16 December 1862, pp.21,22.
8"Books to Ireland," RH, 30 December 1862, p.40.
9Loughborough, "Sketches of the Past," PUR, 22 August 1912, p.1.
10"God's Free-Men," RH, 23 December 1862, p.40; 2 June 1863, p.8.
11James White, "The Cause," RH, 16 February 1864, p.92.
12Jane Martin to Ellen G.White, 16 November 1862, "Letter from Ireland," RH, 16 December 1862, p.22.
13Snook, a former Methodist minister, defected from the church in 1865 while the first President of the Iowa Conference, and formed an offshoot group to become known as the Marion Party. Snook eventually abandoned this group and became a Universalist minister, see SDAE, art., "Marion Party."
14James White, "The Cause," RH, 16 February 1864, p.92.
15J. N. O. Sisley to James White, RH, 2 July 1862, p.47.
16George Starr, "Personal Experiences and Observations with the Prophetic Gift in the Remnent Church," MS file, DF496, 22 July 1931. Ellen G. White Research Center, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan. This file also contains documents of Nellie Sisley Starr, "A View Sister White Had of the Sisley Family Before They Left England," 8 July 1927; Maud Sisley Boyd, "Experience of Maud Sisley Boyd," c. March 1930. Hereafter this MS will be referred to as "SDF."
17see SDAE, art., "Boyd, Maud (Sisley)."
18John Sisley, the eldest son, served the Seventh-day Adventist Church fifteen years as a minister, mostly in Michigan. He raised up the first Seventh-day Adventist Church in Tennessee, in Nashville. He died while conducting a series of meetings in Illinois. Richard Sisley devoted a number of years to teaching and preaching in America and Australia. Then in 1910, at the age of 62 he became a self-supporting Missionary teacher to Java, where he died and is buried. Martha and Susana Sisley remained faithful Christians. Nellie, the youngest in the family, worked for the Review office in Battle Creek, and as a secretary of the Michigan Tract and Missionary Society until her marriage to George Burt Starr. For fifty years she assisted her husband in America and Australia. See Starr and Boyd, "SDF;" SDAE, art., "Sisley, William Conqueror;" art., "Starr, George Burt."
19S. E. Armstrong to James White, RH, 15 December 1863, p.23.
20James White, "The English Language," RH, 20 December 1870, p.5.
21S. H. Lane, "English Mission Report to General Conference," RH, 23 November 1886, pp.730,731.
24Lane, "English Mission Report to General Conference," RH, 23 November 1886, p.731.
25"England and Scotland," RH, 20 April 1886, p.252.
26"A World-wide Mission," RH, 25 August 1874, p.76.
27"Present Truth on the Pacific Coast," PUR, 31 January 1907, p.1,2.
28Butler, "Missionary to Europe," RH, 15 September 1874, p.100.
29See for example Haskell, "The Work Before Us," ST, 31 August 1882, p.393; RH, 4 December 1879, p.182.
30For example General Conference Committee, "Third Session," RH, 4 October 1877, p.105.
31"Quarterly Report of the Michigan Tract and Missionary Societies," True Missionary, (Battle Creek, Mich.: 1874), January 1874, p.6. Hereafter TrM. The True Missionary was a publication of the SDA Pub. Assn. It was only published monthly in 1874. See SDAE, art., "True Missionary;" Haskell, "Our Work," TrM, p.37; "The Cause is Onward," RH, 26 May 1874, p.190; TrM, August 1874, p.60.
32Haskell, "General Organization," TrM, September 1874, p.65; Smith, "The Seventh-day Adventists," RH, 17 November 1874, p.164; Haskell, "The Cause is Onward," TrM, November 1874, p.85; "Among the Nations," December 1874, p.93.
33"The Cause Is Onward," RH, 26 May 1874, p.190.
35Andrews, "What Shall Be Done for Europe," RH, 15 April 1875, p.124.
36He married Anna Driscol, secretary treasurer of the Pacific Press. James White performed the ceremony.
37Loughborough, "Present Truth on the Pacific Coast," PUR, 31 January 1907, p.1,2.
38"Mission to England," RH, 15 August 1878, p.60.
39Wilcox, HS, p.81; SDAE, art., "Great Britain and Northern Ireland;" see also Hagstotz, SDABI, p.iii; Barham, SDAGB, p.51.
40Leonard, AMM, pp.250,255.
41 The best coverage of Andrews in Britain is Leonard, AMM, pp.225-260.
42Andrews, HOTS, chap.26.
43Andrews reported the proceedings in RH, 19 September 1871, pp.108,109; see also Seventh Day Baptists in Europe and America, 2 vols. (Plainsville, NJ, 1910.) 1:198. Hereafter SDBEA.
44Leonard, AMM, pp.225,226.
46"The Seventh-day Adventists," 14 April 1874, p.141.
47"Seventh Day Baptists and Seventh-day Adventists," Sabbath Recorder, 28 May 1874, reprinted in RH, 9 June 1874, p.205.
48J. N. Andrews to James and Ellen White, 6 February, 23 March, 21 April 1874.
49"Our Embarkation," RH, 22 September 1874, p.112.
50The account in the next few paragraphs are from Andrews, "Report from London," RH, 27 October 1874, p.142; 3 November 1874, p.148 unless otherwise stated.
51Probably the Washington Hotel, which Andrews was later to recommend to other missionaries coming to assist him, as having "first class" accomodation at "reasonable prices." Andrews to Ings and Sisley, 2 November 1877.
53Andrews, "What Shall Be Done for Europe?" RH, 15 April 1875, p.121.
54An overview of the sites connected with the Sabbath in England as seen by the early Seventh-day Adventist workers can be found in Andrews, "Report from London," RH, 3 November 1874, p.148; 1 January 1875, p.5; HOTS, Chap. 26; Wilcox, HS, pp.79,80.
55Sis. in Scotland, "Sabbath-Keepers in Scotland," RH, 1 January 1875, p.6.
56Andrews, "What Shall Be Done for Europe," RH, 15 April 1875, p.124.
57David Marshall, The Third Angel's Message, (Grantham, England: The Stanborough Press, 1987.) p.11.
58Leonard, AMM, p.236.
59Andrews, "Seventh Day Baptists and S. D. Adventists," RH, 24 October 1878, p.132.
60Andrews, "Report From London," RH, 27 October 1874, p.142.
62Andrews, "Report from London," RH, 3 November 1874, p.148.
63"What Shall Be Done for Europe," RH, 15 April 1875, p.124.
64Sis. in Scotland to New England Vigilant Society, "Sabbath-Keepers in Scotland," RH, 1 January 1875, p.6.
65Jones, Sabbath Memorial, (London, Seventh Day Baptists 1875.) November 1876. Hereafter SM. The SM, commenced publication in January 1875 as a quarterly; SDBEA, 1:440.
66Leonard, AMM, p.233.
67Andrews, RH, 15 December 1875, p.197.
68SM, January 1875, p.4; April 1875, pp.6-8; July 1875, p.15.
69General Conference Committee, "Seventeenth Annual Session of the General Conference of S. D. Adventists," ST, 31 October 1878, p.324.
70"Lincolnshire, England," RH, 1 January 1875, p.6.
71RH, 8 April 1875, p.117.
72SDAE, art., "Signes Des Temps;" General Conference Committee, "The European Press," RH, 5 October 1876, p.106.
73"Report From Switzerland," RH, 23 November 1876, p.l64.
74James White, "Third Session," RH, 4 October 1877, p.l05.
75James White, for General Conference Committee, "Great Britain," ST, 1 August 1878, p.228.
76James Scott, "Letter From Scotland," RH, 6 June 1878, p.183.
78ibid. During the time period of this history a British pound ( 1) was equal to US$5. A British 1 was made up of 20 shillings, and a shilling of 12 pence. Hereafter British monetary amounts will appear as pounds/shillings/pence, e.g. 1.2s.6d.
80James White, "Third Session," RH, 4 October 1877, p. 105.
81"Our European Missionaries," RH, 21 March I878, p.96.
82James White and General Conference Committee, "Great Britain," ST, 1 August 1878, p.228.
83Loughborough, Great Second Advent Movement, (Nashville, Tenn,: Southern Pub. Assn., 1905), pp.417,418. Hereafter GSAM. Andrews, "Our Work in Northern Europe," RH, 8 April 1878, p.124; Ings, "Arrived in Europe," RH, 20 December l877, p.195; Ings to --, "Ship Work in England," RH, 8 February 1881, p.92; see also, SDAE, art., "Ings, William."
84SDAE, art., "Boyd, Maud (Sisley);" Sisley, "Experience of Maud Sisley Boyd," "SDF," c. March 1930; White to Charles and Maud Boyd, Letter 12, 25 June 1887.
85William Ings to --, "Ship Work in England," RH, 8 February 1881, p.92.
86Ings, "Arrived in Europe," RH, 20 December l877, p.195.
87SM, January 1878, p.69.
88SM, April 1878, pp.73-75; RH, 3 January 1878, p.4.
89Ings, "Arrived in Europe," 20 December 1877, p.195.
90Loughborough, "Present Truth on the Pacific Coast," PUR, 31 January 1907, p.1.
93Andrews, "Things in Europe," RH, 4 July 1878, pp.12,13; William Ings to White, 23 July 1878, "Letter From England," 5 September 1878, p.87; ST, 19 September 1878, p.277.
94ibid; Wilcox, HS, p.81.
95Ings, "Missionary Work in England," RH, 11 July 1878, p.19.
99James White, "Meetings of the General Conference Committee," RH, 4 July 1878, p.12.
100Ings to White, 23 July 1878, "Letter From England," RH, 5 September 1878, p.87; ST, 19 September 1878, p.277.
104Ings, "England," ST, 7 November 1878, p.336, a translation of an article in Les Signes de Temp; Wilcox, HS, p.81; Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134.
105RH, 22 August 1878, p.69.
106"Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878, p.44.
107"Mission to England," RH, 15 August 1878, p.60.
109"Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878, p.44.
110"Letter From England," ST, 7 March 1878, p.77; Ings, "Extracts from Letters," ST, 14 March 1878, p.85.
111"Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878,p.44; ST, 1 August 1878, p.228.
112White to Haskell, Letter 1, 27 January 1879.
113ibid.; General Conference Committee, "Mission to Great Britain," RH, 30 January 1879, p.36.
114"England," ST, 7 November 1878, p.336, article translated from Les Signs de Temp.
115"Great Britain," RH 1 August 1878, p.44; ST, 1 August 1878, p.228.
117"Mission to England," RH, 15 August 1878, p.60.
118"Mission to Great Britain," RH, 5 September 1878, p.88.
121"Great Britain," ST, 1 August 1878, p.229.
122"Editorial," RH, 9 August 1881.
123James White, "Great Britain," RH, 1 August 1878, p.44.
124"Mission to Great Britain," RH, 30 January 1879, p.36.
125"Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Session of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists," RH, 24 October 1878, p.136; "Seventeenth Annual Session of the General Conference of S. D. Adventists," ST, 31 October 1878, p.324.
126ibid.; see also Loughborough, RP, p.315.
127The Santa Rosa church was the first Seventh-day Adventist church building west of the Rockies, erected in 1869.
128He baptised the first three Seventh-day Adventist members in Nevada when he was called to England.
129See SDAE, art. "Loughborough, John Norton."
130Wilcox, HS, p.33.
131General Conference Committee, "Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Session of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists," RH, 24 October 1878, p.136.
132White to Andrews, 5 December 1878; 22 January 1879.
133The steamship "Homer" on which the Loughboroughs expected to sail was reported missing after Boston Harbour, supposed capsized and at the bottom of the sea. See, Loughborough, RP, p.316.
134Loughborough, "Across the Atlantic," RH, 23 January 1879, p.29. Loughborough, Diary,(The Advent Source Collection, Archives of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Silver Spring, MD.; Heritage Room, A Seventh-day Adventist Archive, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Mich.) 17-31 December 1878. Hereafter "Loughborough Diary." The stay in Britain appears under collections No.3320-3325.
135ibid. 20-31 December 1878.
136General Conference Committee, "Our Foreign Missions," RH, 11 December 1879, p.189.
137"Mission to England," RH, 15 August 1878, p.60.