Up until the end of 1881 the public work of the British Mission had been conducted primarily in the south of England. However, from the beginning of 1882 the work was to go more extensively into the northern areas. There was to be a gradual shift north east from Southampton to Hull, and Grimsby, and north west to Liverpool.

Loughborough's main interest in going to America for the General Conference of 1881 had been to bring back with him on his return others who could assist him in his work in the British Mission. After introducing them to the work in England, and pulling together that which he and Ings had already commenced, Loughborough was to hand over the Mission to another superintendent, and return to America as early as should be indicated by the leadership.1

New British Mission Workers

The General Conference in session did recommended additional personnel to assist Loughborough in the British Mission2�and these, together with Loughborough's son and daughter, accompanied Loughborough back to Britain early in the new year, arriving Southampton 25 January 1882. Ings and his wife Jenny were scheduled to return to America where he was to take up work in the California Conference, where he was was promised "a hearty welcome." There he would be ordained to the ministry in 1884.3 His wife would become a personal assistant to White during her stays in Oakland, California, and consequently a bond of friendship would be continued, resulting in some part in the return of the Ings to England in 1886 to 1889, to help in the establishment of a publishing house in London.4 When exactly the Ings left Britain is not clear. Loughborough mentions meeting them in London as late as Wednesday 28 June 1882, and did not pay carriage on their box until 20 October 1882. Loughborough would not leave the Mission until 10 October 1883.5

George R. Drew

One of those following Loughborough to England was George R. Drew (l835-1905), an Englishman. He came alone, as a single man, and had left St Helena, California, 5 January 1882, meeting up with Loughborough in New York, and taking ship 14 January.6 Drew had been a sailor and ships captain for fifteen years before sailing into port at San Francisco Harbor, where he heard and accepted the teachings of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. Before accepting the request of Loughborough and the General Conferece to work in his native land he had spent seven years helping to spread the message as an active layman in California.7 Drew was forty-seven years of age when he began colporteur work in the British Mission, although he had had contact with the British Mission for some time prior to his coming to Britain. He had been sending papers and letters to at least two individuals in Britain as early as the beginning of l879, resulting in a whole neighborhood reading the literature. He had also encouraged the St Helena, California, Tract Society's involvement in sending Signs and other literature to Britain, and had entered into correspondence with not a few.8 He had also met up with the officers and crews of vessels that had been worked by Ings in Southampton while himself doing ship work in San Francisco. He was appointed by the General Conference to specifically do "ship labor."9 Drew was to remain in Britain working for the church possibly up to his death in 1905 at the age of 70 years.10 He was certainly still "spreading the light to all parts of the world" as late as 1892.11 He would marry in Liverpool one year after his arrival in Britain.12

The character of this man is seen in a letter he addressed to the Vigilant Missionary Society of Battle Creek soon after his arrival in England:

We pray daily for you, and even through the hours of the night we ask God to uphold you in your efforts to advance the truth. If I possessed one thousand lives, I would use them all in the precious cause of truth. My heart overflows with gratitude to God, for uniting me in my weakness and unworthiness to the strength and worthiness of Jesus, and permitting me to labor for precious souls. This work calls for self denial, sacrifice, and benevolence; for perserverance, courage, and faith. When the reaping time shall come, who of us will have the inexpressible joy of seeing precious souls saved as the result of our faithful efforts in the missionary work? Oh! think of it,- one soul saved to praise God forever! Men and women are wanted whose hearts are filled with a desire to see souls saved and who are not easily moved; those who can lay aside every selfish motive, and give up all for the cross and the crown. We are fast nearing the reckoning time when God will reward the faithful worker. Let us all work now, as we shall wish we had worked when we see Jesus put the starry crowns upon the heads of the faithful ones. With you, I must get deeper into the work. I must, and by God's grace I will, have a closer connection with heaven every day of my life. I can assure you that we find Jesus very precious in our lonely state. I know how to sympathise with the lonely ones now.13

Drew appears to have been a rather quiet man. Certainly he was not one for writing and sending articles to the Review, and most of the information we have of him and his work is through Loughborough or in Signs, with whom he had regular contact personally through letters. His life was indeed a lonely one, as was the case for all missionaries working alone. His wife would be a great support to him and his work. Certainly his work program was an indication "that one person can find plenty of work in a city like this."14 On one occasion at least he was to report in a letter to Loughborough that he rose at 4:00 A.M. and prepared for his work, commencing at 8:00 A.M. and working until 6.00 P. M., when he returned home "tired" to eat, only to go out again to the docks until 11:00 P.M.. Although he anticipated handing out 7,000 pages of books in one week he considered "the prospect not very flattering, there is so much to be done."15

After six months in England, Drew was able to state his view of the Mission in these words:

We have a large field before us here, and the people are perishing for the truth. In the language of Paul we say, "Who is sufficient for these things?" We can report progress all the time, although Satan and his large host oppose us. In God we trust, we hope to see many souls saved as the result of our efforts.16

When an individual enquired of him what he would do should the English Government draft him into the army, for he was an Englishman, he made reply that he would go to Egypt, a newly opened field, and there "fight with the sharp two-edged sword." He believed, "that is the sword that I can use. I have never tried the other sword."17

Adelbert Allen John

Adelbert Allen John (1856-1921) was converted at the age of seventeen and entered the Seventh-day Adventist ministerial work about 1877 in his native Illinois, where he labored until his call to work in England.18��John, a young man compared with Drew, was 26 years old when he began work in England. He brought with him his young wife, Ella C. Hanson John of Iowa, who was of Danish nationality19�and would help her husband in his labors of assisting Loughborough in evangelism, in "the preaching of the word,"20 John was to prove himself an extremely hard worker as was his wife, certainly up to the time when her children kept her at home. John and his family were to remain with the British Mission for about eight years.21

Jennie Thayer

Miss Jennie Thayer (1853-1940) had been born into a pioneer family of Seventh-day Adventists and came to England from Battle Creek. After teaching school for several years she had completed two years of study at Battle Creek College and was working for the church as secretary-treasurer of the Michigan Tract and Missionary Society, and of the Health and Temperance Association, until her departure for England. Thayer was 29 years old at the time of her arrival in the British Mission and was to stay until 1888,22�with one year back in America for rest and recuperation.23

Little detail is known of Thayer's work in the British Mission, but she made her center of labor at the Mission headquarters in Southampton, and later in Grimsby and London, where in each place she served as the Mission secretary, setting type, reading proofs, and preparing literature. Her job description was "to assist in the missionary work."24

With ten weeks of absence in America Loughborough did not share news of the British Mission with American readers, nor did he write anything for ten weeks following his return to England, nor much during the remainder of l882. His long silence was not because of inactivity, in fact the year 1882 was, in Loughborough's opinion, "an exceeding busy one," and "the busiest of the four since we came to this Kingdom." However others made up for his lack of writing.25

The reason for the drop in articles to the Review was excused by Loughborough on the grounds that he believed each of the churches in America would want one or more copies of the soon to be published British semi-monthly "British Department Supplement" to Signs. In this way all who wanted to know about the work of the Mission would have a chance.26 It seems he overestimated the interest of the American membership in the British Mission, which was certainly not enough to warrent taking Loughborough's supplement in addition to other church literature.

Loughborough lived to regret his decision not to write in the Review for the information of the American membership, "I doubt not that it was a mistake on my part in not writing more reports for the Review during 1882." He thought that the people in America may have lost interest, "to some extent," in this Mission, "thinking that little effort was being put forth because they saw so few reports from us." He resolved to "turn over a new leaf" in 1883 and report more frequently, and he did indeed make up for it during this his final year with the British Mission.27 However, he did give sufficient information in articles and in his diary for one to obtain a good picture of the Mission work up to his return to America at the end of 1883.

Work in the North of England

While Loughborough continued to work in and from Southampton during 1882-1883, Drew and John took up residence in other parts of the country in an effort to establish groups of believers in other places outside Southampton, particularly in the north east and west of England.

Ship Missionary Work in Hull and Liverpool

After arrival, and a short stay in Southampton, Drew went first to London on 15 February 1882 to see if "any interest could be raised" there. He spent one month selling books and "disposing of many publications in various directions." He found "quite good interest" among some to hear his views. Although he was a ship-man he does not appear to have attempted to visit or distribute literature in the port of London, perhaps due to the fact that little passenger traffic used London docks.28��Loughborough visited London during this time and met with Drew on 22 February. He may have spent the previous days with him also for he arrived in London on Friday 17 February and stayed at Barton's Temperance Hotel.29

Drew proceeded to Hull in Yorkshire, and engaged in missionary work "on shipboard and on land." He was to remain in the area for one year until April 1883 when he moved to Liverpool. During this time in Hull he would live at 32 Charlotte Street30�and 50 Silvester Street.31 The city of Hull had a population of some 175,000, "beside a large field of missionary work in several languages on board ships."32��Drew found the city itself "a good missionary field" but the major part of his work, like that of Ings, would be aboard ships. Consequently it was reported that he visited thousands of ships and sent publications to many parts of the world. His sa1es averaged about $15 each week, although sometimes reached as high as $45 a week.33��There is strong support for believing that Drew was entirely self-supporting during the entire time he worked in England, supporting himself only from book sales.

Both Hull and Grimsby were points at which Scandinavians arrived from home, took train for Liverpool, and then on to America, landing at Castle Garden, New York. In the "dullest portion of the season" of 1882 not less than three to four thousand Scandinavians passed through these two ports each week, and on average about seven thousand per week in the good season. There was not a more favorable place to distribute the Church's publications to Scandinavians planning to settle in America. The church recognized that these immigrants would be residing in places in the United States "where it is most difficult for us to send laborers."34��Perhaps only Liverpool would be a better place than Hull for this work, and this may have been the reason that prompted Drew to move to Liverpool eight months later.

Drew received most of his encouragement from his work for the Scandinavians, and nothing brought him more pleasure than to be "surrounded by four or five thousand of the dear Scandinavians." He reported "as many as three thousand a day passing through that place," and his greatest difficulty was in finding enough papers in the Danish and Swedish languages. He was often found begging for an increased supply. So eager were the Scandinavians to get his papers that Drew believed it must be of great interest to the angels to see them so eager. They would take his hand and "talk to me in Swedish" about the soon coming of Jesus.35��How much of the language he spoke or understood is not known for as he pointed out, "I am English." In a two week period Drew was able to distribute 750 copies of papers in the Swedish, Norwegian, and German languages, but was hoping to do more. It was little wonder he considered the work plentiful and that "the cause here is onward."36

By 10 July 1882 Drew had "found two Norwegian sisters," Johnson and Stinesson, who were able to help in the English and Scandinavian work of the Mission. He consequently appealed in a private letter to America for as many as twelve hundred Scandinavian papers every week. He earnestly requested the members to forward "all the papers and tracts they can in the English, German, Danish, and Swedish languages." Drew found that he, together with his two helpers, could dispose of five hundred papers, together with one thousand pages of tracts, in a single morning, and still they requested more of every kind. Drew called it "a feast" to do this kind of work.37��In November he again requested "a good supply" of all reading matter, for he was being received well by captains of vessels and had "perfect freedom" to visit all ships in Hull, even during working hours.38

Because of the high concentration of Scandinavians passing through Hull Drew found many who had known and listened to Matteson in their home countries. On one occasion Drew found some such individuals who were on their way to America "where they thought they could keep the Sabbath." Such individuals gladdened his heart, but mostly "our hearts are sad, and we weep bitterly, as we see the indifference of the people," but prayed that God "will help us to save some."39

As Drew continued his shipwork in Hull he constantly found sailors "willing to talk upon the Scriptures, and their souls interest." He wrote to Loughborough about speaking for one hour on the deck of a ship, "pleading with the men to give their hearts to God." The Black Watch was then lost in the January 1883 gales near The Mumbles on the Welsh coast, with all hands. Drew believed he was the last one to speak with them on religious matters.40

Drew began visiting the port of Liverpool in April 1883, but in the early days it was not all smooth sailing. He did meet with success although it was "notwithstanding the efforts made by some to hinder his work." Just what opposition he had to meet we are not told. However, Loughborough believed that "it is evident that the Lord is opening the way more and more each week" in Liverpool, although he did "get anxious sometimes to see it open faster."41

Drew made friends with the principal officers of the Mercantile Marine Association, and found that many of them believed much as he himself did on conditional immortality and the near advent of Christ. These men gave Drew "quite efficient aid" in introducing him to captains and owners of ships. One of these officers owned the large mission hall at Neston, a suburb of Liverpool, at which Loughborough would speak on 27 July 1883, and at which time he would go "house hunting," and witness Drew's marriage on Thursday 26 July 1883, at the age of 48.42

After his visits with the Drews in Liverpool, Loughborough commented that "he and his companion will do all they can to make their mission a success both on the ships and among the people on land."43

Evangelizing the Great Grimsby Area

Why exactly the Johns were sent to Great Grimsby in Yorkshire is not really known although it was probably a combination of a number of reasons. It could have been as a result of the immigrant traffic between Scandinavia and America, with the consequent use of the ports of Hull and Grimsby. Certainly the church had found two workers who could speak Scandinavian languages and the Mission obviously had directed them to Grimsby. We do know that there was one Sabbath-keeper in the town, a Seventh-day Baptist who proved, at least later, to be "of material assistance to the work in that town." Perhaps there was an interest shown by Signs readers in that area. We do know that Loughborough had visited Grimsby and "spent a little time" there before John went.44 Perhaps Loughborough had found what others were to discover later, that in Grimsby there was not "the distinction in the grades of society" that had been observed elsewhere, and that more seemed possible of accomplishment in Grimsby than other parts of England.45 After a short time in Southampton, in which he assisted Loughborough,46�John left with Loughborough for Grimsby 7 March 1882. He commenced work with a certain measure of success even in his first three months, with one individual taking "a firm stand to obey the truth," and others "almost persuaded." Some soon after did "embrace the truth."47

John saw the necessity to share with Review readers what he was doing in his foreign Mission, and it becomes obvious from these articles that he and his wife entered into a new experience in England. Alone in Grimsby they were prepared to experiment, as is true of most young people, and have little to lose by so doing, except perhaps by not having a more experienced person to guide them. Establishment of the Church's work in Hull and Grimsby seems to have been immediate, and interests were gathering within a year. Writing from his home at 151 Willingham Street, Grimsby, on 21 July 1882, about five months after his arrival, John indicated that three "others" had "decided to serve God," implying that others had made such decisions earlier, and John felt that "the work here is increasing in interest every week."48 Certainly during the first year John was involved "in considerable missionary work on ships, as well as in town." After that initial year his chief work was in preaching "in-doors and out."49

By 3 April 1883, after twelve months, Loughborough was reporting that John had another one at Hull who had taken his stand for the seventh-day Sabbath, indicating at least the beginning of a group in that city. There were also several more "almost persuaded to obey."50��By August 1883 Loughborough reported again on John's success. In Hull, Grimsby, and now in the town of Ulceby, there were many "desirious to know and obey the whole truth."51

The Johns made provisions for religious meetings in Grimsby from the very beginning of their stay there, with a Bible reading meeting at sunset each Friday evening, and a "profitable" Sabbath-school and prayer meeting each Saturday afternoon. Like Drew, the Johns demonstrated their committment to the work of the mission:

There are many things to encourage us in our work. We are thankful to know that the many prayers that are put forth for the mission do avail for us. We are trying to keep all that we have on the altar, realising that it is nothing compared to the love and sacrifice of our Redeemer52

The Johns began work in the area by also visiting ships, and finding that they were "received very kindly." However, little or nothing is said about such visits after the first few months. As a result of these initial ship visits Ella John was quick to discover that many Danes "are coming and going" at Grimsby so joined her hushand in his work, concentrating her efforts upon these foreigners in their midst, and making conversation with them in their own language. Soon Norwegian sailors attended the Bible reading meetings of this young couple and left the port "convinced of the truthfulness of our positions."53

John began his work in the town itself by loaning packages of tracts from house to house. This had been the system Ings had used and found very rewarding at Southampton and it seemed that it "works well" in Grimsby. The interest so gained was added to by meetings in halls, publicized through the local press. John's first series of public meetings commenced in the Hall of Science, Grimsby, 13 March 1882, and continued for at least a month, perhaps even to August.54

Gradually the Mission work in Grimsby advanced so that by the end of 1882, nine months after arrival, John had twelve persons keeping the Sabbath and uniting as a congregation. Their Sabbath-school class numbered more than twenty, with the interest always gradually increasing. It is interesting to notice that those joining John faithfully put aside a tithe of their income to advance the Mission, some being, as John felt, an example to others:

One servant girl who receives only fifty cents a week, from which she clothes herself, pays a tenth of it to the Lord. Such fidelity reminds one of the widow who was so favorably spoken of by our Saviour. Why should those who get large wages be less willing to do the same?55

In February l883 a certain "Miss Edith O'Gorman (Mrs Auffrey)" visited Grimsby. Who she was, where she came from, and for what purpose she came, we do not know. �Just before her arrival a Catholic priest published an article against her in the Grimsby News. As a result of what was said John decided to reply, his letter being published by the editor under the title, "A Reply to a Priest." John then proceeded to publish his letter in tract form. Its nature being such as to "interest all protestants." These eight-page tracts were then offered for sale at one penny each or two shillings and six pence per one hundred. They met "with favor" and were circulated "quite generally," serving to awaken interest "on the question of the Bible sabbath and kindred subjects." By the middle of March orders for the tract had reached over 14,700.56

Loughborough visited John 9-13 May 1883, joined him in his work at the docks and spoke at his Friday and Sabbath services.57 John was perhaps encouraged at this time by Loughborough, who believed that if John would follow up the personal labors of individuals who were witnessing house-to-house in Hull and Grimsby "we might see more in those places taking their stand to obey." He wanted "wisdom and divine aid" for this young man John "that his labors may be effective in winning many souls to Christ."58

Some of John's non-conformist friends of Great Grimsby "urged" him to hold open-air services, explaining that he would reach more people and the expenses would be "but a trifle." He consequently obtained permission from the Mayor of Grimsby for a Sunday evening meeting in the town's covered market. There proved to be no expenses for these meetings, except for advertizing.59

Loughborough visited John again in June of 1883 during his "northern tour," and reported that John's Sunday afternoon open-air meetings in the Grimsby Market Place had been well attended from the very start and the interest was good. The interest increased every week until it could be said that it was the best John had had to date in Grimsby. As a result John planned to hold such meetings in several other places around Grimsby, while continuing to follow up all interest "awakened in individuals" by the work carried on with tracts.60

John commenced open-air meetings in other places, beginning in July with two meetings each week in the open Market Place of the town of Louth some 15 miles south of Grimsby, after again first obtaining permission to do so from the Mayor of that town.61 This now gave him three open-air meetings each week, speaking to nearly one thousand people. For John it seemed "somewhat like olden times" to be able to address so many, especially when they stood "quietly and listened respectfully."62

Beside these open-air meetings John also conducted a Sunday afternoon meeting each week in a hall in the town of Ulceby, a few miles north-west of Grimsby, but his main thrust remained in the open-air. By the end of the summer of 1883 he was making plans to conduct meetings in another village, where "Sis G" had been working with tracts. Perhaps this was Cleethorpes, a very popular gathering place of the day. John was obviously busy but reported that he felt "quite well." He had come to believe strongly that in this mode of open-air work "we shall strike a vein in these meetings which will tell after a few months."63

On 18 September 1883 John was able to write the Review that his open-air meetings "are becoming very interesting and solemn." He had now "fully presented the message" and was working on commitment from individuals. Two at Ulceby had just begun keeping the Sabbath and of several more he was hopeful. By the summer of 1884 a young man in Louth had decided to keep the Sabbath as a result of the open-air meetings there and the follow up of John. John considered the labor "difficult" but had much to encourage him.64��Because a number at Grimsby were now waiting for the opportunity to be baptised Loughborough sent John the portable font.65��The open-air meetings continued to be an important part of John's work in the Grimsby area right up to the summer of 1885 when he moved to work in Wales. Reports a few years later indicate that these meetings resulted "in the conversion of a goodly number of faithful souls to the truth."66

Loughborough visited with John on a number of occasions in Grimsby, and was to visit in August and experience first hand the exhileration of speaking to a large crowd of people while speaking at open-air meetings in Grimsby and Louth, after which he commented:

We can say, it seems to us like the most feasible thing we have tried in this Kingdom to reach the public ear, and to create an interest in a place that can be followed up afterward in halls or in house-to-house labor. To see hundreds standing quietly, and listening respectfully to catch every word of the speaker, was truly interesting.67

He spoke of what he saw as "a new movement" for Seventh-day Adventists, and saw such meetings as solving some of the difficulties that the Mission faced. One such was an opportunity "to get the public ear through means within our reach." He recognized the high rent required for public halls, and the great amount of advertizing needed to draw people into a hall to hear, "especially on subjects of which they know but little, and upon which a public interest has not already been raised." Loughborough also promoted the open-air meetings with this rational:

Not being rich in this worlds goods, we have had to economize in our expenses. For two seasons, we tried using a tent. Finding this damp climate very destructive to tents, we concluded that, in the long run, tents would be more expensive than halls. So we sold the tent, and have done the best we can in halls. Still we longed for some better way. Since the Salvation Army movement has come up in this Kingdom, the attention of both church and chapel ministers has been turned more fully to holding open air services. This has been done to such an extent, and has worked so well, that it is looked on with favor by all classes.68

Obviously the past summer had done John a power of good, and importantly he had also been able to enthuse his believers into witnessing personally in a number of ways. Loughborough reported that he found "a contrast with the situation a few months since." Earlier he had indicated that John "stood single-handed, laboring under many discouragements to reach the people." However, after Drew moved from Hull "some of the sisters" continued giving time house-to-house, not only in Hull itself but also at Grimsby, and had found a number of people "who are anxious to learn more of the truth." Now Loughborough was able to say that John has "a goodly number of devoted brethren and sisters, who seem willing and anxious to do all they can to hold up his hands, and encourage him in the work." Loughborough met three times with the congregation meeting in John's home, and found them "steadfast in the truth", and also "doing much missionary work by visiting from house to house and distributing tracts."69

In September John found it necessary to discontinue the open-air meetings due to the weather, but he would continue following the winter months. In the meantime he was offered the free use of a meeting place on Saturday afternoons at Grimsby. This was now a half-day off for the working men so he had high hopes of a good attendance.70��The John's moved house in September, to 89 Hainton Street, Great Grimsby.71

Final Work from Southampton

The final years of Loughborough's service with the British Mission, 1882-1883, would be the last in which the British Mission's headquarters and center for evangelism would be situated in Southampton, and he would still continue to promote all departments of the church's outreach and encourage the development of the local church until his departure.

Health and Temperance Promotion

Loughborough's interest in promoting health also continued throughout the remaining months of his time with the British Mission. Between a visit to John on 9 November 1882 and one to Drew in Liverpool on the 12 November, Loughborough found time to speak to "a large and attentive audience" of the Newcastle Vegetarian Society at the Bible House.72

On Tuesday 14 November l882 Loughborough organized a Band of Hope for children and young people in the area of Ravenswood.73. This organization had been in operation for many years throughout the country, organised to educate young people concerning the dangers of the sins of the age. These young people pledged themselves not only "to abstain wholly from the use of intoxicating liquors, but also from tobacco in all its forms," from gambling, and from the use of profane language. The Band had grown to sixty-three by "boxing night [Dec.26.]" The group held "fortnightly" meetings on a Tuesday evening, which consisted of singing, recitations, and readings by the children and youth. They managed themselves by a committee of six, all under twenty years of age, and appointed by the whole.74

On Tuesday 5 September 1882 Loughborough attended the Temperance Jubilee at Crystal Palace, London.75��The week of 16-19 October 1882 he visited Manchester to attend meetings related to narcotics, the meetings of the Temperance Alliance, and of the Vegetarian Society.76��Again in September 1883 he visited Eastbourne for temperance meetings and delivered a paper to those present.77

Many copies of Good Health were introduced into England, no doubt becoming available due to Loughborough's impressive talk to the General Conference Health and Temperance Committee while in America the previous year. That committee had promised as many Good Health as he could "use to advantage," but again "at the expense of the English Mission."78 The journal "gained many permanent friends by its introduction into England" it was reported later.79

Loughborough visited Liverpool 24-30 July 1883, and during this visit was invited to speak at a large mission hall at Neston, some fourteen miles from Liverpool, on the subject of temperance. This evening meeting of 27 July was with all expenses paid. Loughborough found it "a very pleasant occasion."80

The British Supplement to Signs

Having discovered that the printed page was able to go where the preacher was not, and often accomplished better results, the desire of the Mission was for a paper "especially adapted for the cause in England." This after all was in the initial plans of the American leadership and had not yet been realized.81 The Mission again expressed its desire in a request to the 1881 General Conference session, and they, after one discussion, commented:

Whereas, we are not prepared to furnish sufficient help to a paper without greatly interfering with other branches of the work; therefore--Resolved, that a special edition of the Signs of the Times be printed at the expense of the English mission fund, until such time as the way may open for the issuing of a paper in England.82

Besides this special edition of Signs, with perhaps a change of name, the British Mission decided to publish a supplement to the Signs, filled with items calculated to interest English readers.83��Such an undertaking constituted the early attempts of the Mission to obtain material that would lend itself to the interests of the British.

In February 1882 Loughborough set about personally to make the necessary show cases to house the additional materials.84��He moved the books onto the shelving on 27 February, although he did not finish the showcase doors until 1 March.85��Beginning at the end of March the British Supplement to Signs was prepared and published by Loughborough. The supplement was headed as "British Department," and contained general items of interest relative to the British Mission. It was designed to represent the progress of the work in England and also contained various doctrinal articles. Five hundred copies were sent to America to go to various churches so that members would have a full report of the British Mission. It was also made available for fifteen cents a year post paid.86

The supplemental insert was at first published each month and later semi-monthly. After the May 1882 visit of Haskell, representing the General Conference committee, materials, including type, were purchased "under his counsel" from London by Loughborough on Friday 23 June. This allowed the Mission to compose the two page supplement themselves, the first move towards printing. From this date the supplement was quoted extensively in Review. By the time of Loughborough's departure for America at the end of 1883 thirty-five numbers had been printed. At that time Thayer took over as editor, composer, and proofreader. The Supplement continued until 29 February l884, the month before the Southampton depository closed and moved to Grimsby, and the journal Present Truth came into being.87

The Tract and Missionary Society

During 1883 the Tract Societies of America placed 6,000 volumes of standard religious books in free public libraries, and Loughborough was encouraged to do the same.88��Throughout 1883, in addition to maintaining the work of the Mission already begun, Loughborough placed Andrews' book History of the Sabbath in over sixty of the one hundred free libraries in the United Kingdom. Some of these libraries in Liverpool, the north of England, and Scotland were actually visited by Loughborough in person. Some of these libraries already had Signs and reported them to be much in use and would be missed if withdrawn. Later, librarians were also to report that the History of the Sabbath "is kept in constant use."89

It seemed that the National Tract and Missionary Society of Great Britain could indeed operate without Loughborough's presence. Despite the return of Ings to America they had visited 741 ships in just the last three months of l882. They also wrote 434 personal letters and sent 3,498 printed ones, beside visiting 2,662 persons. The number of pages of tracts loaned, given away, or sold amounted to 153,619 pages. Book pages to libraries accounted for a further 37,960.90

During l883 Loughborough continued to see "indications of progress in our cause in this Kingdom," and for him this meant giving opportunity to individuals to know of "the near coming of the Lord, and the needful preparation to meet him."91

Grateful readers and subscribers to Signs continued to write in from all walks of life indicating various degrees of commitment to the Church's beliefs. One aged minister of eighty years took occasion to say that he was "a dedicated Sabbath-keeper," the only one in his town other than a Jewish family. He reported being scoffed at by everyone. He found the paper "a source of great spiritual enjoyment" and after reading it passed it on. He had been a preacher from 25 December l823 until paralysis in 1879 prevented him from continuing. He had lost sight and hearing and was now "waiting the second advent of the Lord with joyful expectation." He was praying for the success of Signs.92

This letter solicited a reply from a lady of eighty-one years who "felt so interested in that good old minister's letter." She also was a Sabbath-keeper and had been for "several years." She too was the only Sabbath-keeper in her place. She spoke well for Signs and renewed a subscription for half a year because, finding that she was failing fast, she believed, "I may not live to see that time." She was anxious to express her indebtedness to America for sending the paper.93

In the spring of l883 Loughborough announced that they had cut their Signs distribution to 500 instead of the 1,000 they had been taking. They had learned by experience how carefully to select names of those who were more sure to notice the paper. This was better than taking them "by the gross from directories etc." However the new plan involved them in "nearly as much labor."94

The British Supplement continued to share letters addressed to the Mission, and news of its advances and daily happenings, irrespective of any close affiliation of the reader with the work or beliefs of the church. There were constant offers in the supplement of closer ties to the Mission "if there are interested persons desirous of either conversation or preaching on the themes set forth in the Signs of the Times."95��One individual, learning that the depository was offering a plan of getting trial subscribers for a month, actually offered his services, taking thirteen subscriptions in five days while on a business trip.96

Letters from interests continued to be shared with the Tract and Missionary Society so that they could deal with a great variety of comments, requests and questions.97 Mostly these letters were positive and contained words of thanks for such things as "the high tone it goes in for in spiritual matters."98 Some were of a negative nature but, with the supplement at his disposal, Loughborough now could use such letters to good advantage by quoting them and making public reply. A Mr. M. wrote:

All this insane drivel about Christ, and hell and God and devil, etc., which is printed in endless yards and acres, is the saddest stuff to me. I left all that lot behind me years ago, before my beard grew. Be pleased therefore to save what money value you propose to spend on me thus.99

To which Loughborough made reply:

Let us see. Here is a man who decided in the ardour of youth "Before his beard grew"- that there was no God, no devil, no hell, no Christ. These were certainly grave questions for one so young to decide. To say no God would surely imply very great research, not only on this planet but through our solar system; yea, through all space; for were there a spot unexplored by the youth, that might be the dwelling-place of God. It is strange that one could come to such positive conclusions so young, while Newton, Locke, Dick and others spending a lifetime in their researches through creation, found constantly accumulting evidences that there was a God, the Creator of all things.100

Lay Literature and Public Evangelism

Besides Drew and the two lay ladies selling books, papers, and tracts in the Hull and Grimsby areas, Judd was still giving himself full time, working in a variety of places such as Exeter and Plymouth,101�and certainly in Scotland at the time of Loughborough's visit there in April.102 Sheppard was working in Bristol in June of 1882103�and Neill working out of Southampton and Liverpool.

Veysey seemed to take all the time he had off from his school work in Taunton and devote it to the extension of the cause. He constantly visited Loughborough in Southampton, speaking at the meetings there.104 In October and November Veysey appears to have conducted a series of meetings of his own in Lyndhurst.105 Perhaps Veysey had resigned his school position by this time in preparation for sailing for America with his family. The last record of Veysey in England is 23 December 1882 when he spoke at Southampton.106

Visiting Scattered Interests

Despite the many records we have of visits Loughborough made to London during 1882 and 1883, they all appear to be of a personal or business nature. Other than visits to Jones he does not appear to have visited any other interests. He did visit with the Sargents on the Isle of Wight 14 August 1882,107�with the Veyseys on numerous occasions, and with a Mr. Kent in Sheffield. He did also maintain a correspondence with someone in Scotland,108�with Mrs. Ribton in Dublin,109�and N. W. Lester in Belfast, Ireland.110

At the beginning of April l883 Loughborough felt that the time had come when he could leave the work at Southampton in the hands of the helpers there "and make efforts in other places." For a long time he had considered commencing work in Liverpool, in the form of a ship mission. Consequently this was his first port of call on what he called "Our Northern Tour".111


Earlier Loughborough had requested Drew to leave Hull with the intention of relocating in the Liverpool area, and the two men met up in Liverpool Thursday 19 April to make "preliminary preparations" for the establishment of such a venture.112

Loughborough spent eight days with Drew, until 26 April, for "examination of the situation, and to secure the most reasonable and feasible place" as a residence. In 1882 Liverpool was the "second port in the world" after London, although in actual tonnage of cargo entered and cleared it was "the first port of merchandise in the world by 165,924 tons." The docks at Liverpool presented a frontage on the River Mersey of about eight miles in length, but if in fact the total dock wharves for shipping were taken into account these would have measured nearer eighteen miles. Loughborough and Drew took time to make personal inspection, and ascertain which dock areas contained the kind of vessels on which Drew could carry out his best work. They determined the location of the ships of different nationalities as well as the location of the different classes of ships. They obtained a necessary licence from the police to commence work.113

After a short trip to Scotland Loughborough again returned to Liverpool Tuesday 1 May until Monday 7 May 1883,114�and he and Drew engaged themselves in visiting those "interested in the doctrines advocated in the Signs of the Times."

During this time in Liverpool Drew and Loughborough met up with Sister Stanton and her husband, captain of the ship Madura. Two years earlier Stanton had become a Seventh-day Adventist while her husband's ship was lying in the port of San Fran cisco, being baptized in Oakland, California. She had faithfully lived by all her beliefs since that time, even though she had not seen another Seventh-day Adventist until she met up with Drew and Loughborough in the port of Liverpool. They also visited with the aged "Sister Irvine" who for two years had been receiving Signs from a Mr. Israel in California. They found her "rejoicing in the love of the truth, and in the observance of the seventh-day sabbath." They also visited with a Mr. Spriayle, a Mr. Mound, and Mr. W. H. Miller an official at the docks. Stanton and Drew began worshiping on Sabbaths at the home of Mrs. Irvine, although it is not known how regular these meetings were. Certainly, at the first, the intention was that "these few may soon have others to join them in Sabbath observance in Liverpool."115

The life history of Irvine seems to have interested Loughborough greatly, and he shared something of it with Review readers:

In her early life she lived in the Shetland Islands, North Scotland. Dr. Adam Clarke used to preach in those parts. Many a time, when Sister I. was a little girl has Dr. Clarke set her on his horse, held her on with one hand, while he led the horse about, or has taken her up to ride with him. These attentions were not forgotten by the little girl. As soon as she was old enough, she became a missionary to help this man of God in his work in Shetland. She induced her father, who was poor, to set apart one room in the house for the use of the ministers. With her own childish hands, she made nets to sell to get money for the room, according to 2 Kings 4:10. For years she earned the money to buy the food to entertain these men of God while they were laboring to convert men and women to Christ.

Last year Sister I. visited her old home in Shetland, taking with her the papers which Bro. Israel had sent her for two years. These she scattered, giving some to people living on the Islands, and some to sailors going further away. She said, "Tell Bro. Israel that the papers have all gone on their mission up to the north."116

Loughborough was pleased to visit with this lady of years, and believed that maybe "there are hundreds of others who would just as joyfully accept the light were it brought before them." He resolved to continue his work of searching them out.117

Loughborough visited Liverpool again from Monday 24-30 July. He went house hunting on the Wednesday and on the following day was a witness at Drew's wedding. He worshiped with the newly formed group on the Sabbath of 28 July, in the home of Irvine's daughter-in-law on Vining Street and had tea with Mr. Miller on Sunday.118 On the Sunday evening 29 July He was invited to address a meeting of the Liverpool Conditional Immortality Association near Tuebrook.119


Loughborough's visit to Scotland in April 1883 appears to be the first time he had visited there since his arrival in Britain, although he had been in some correspondence with interests.120 That he had not visited is hard to believe however, considering that he had known major interest existed in Scotland from before his arrival in the United Kingdom in 1878. He explained that his trip was to "visit some parties who have become interested by the reading of the Signs of the Times and other of our publications" in Glasgow and Greenock, and with whom he had been corresponding. He arrived in Glasgow Thursday 26 April, and the next day visited with Geoff Buchanan at Greenock where he seems to have stayed while in Scotland. On Sunday 29 April he met with the Campbells in the morning and with the Seventh-Day Baptists in the afternoon. He spent the evening with Mills of 10 Findley Street, Glasgow, before returning to Buchanan's. Monday he met with Mr. McDonald. The same day he met with Donald McCarrell and dined with Mr Arbuckle. On the Sabbath he dined at the Caledonian Restaurant with Judd and Gibson, and also records meeting a Bro. Rulf on the street, perhaps an indication that he was familiar with this place and these people from earlier visits, or else Judd was canvassing here.121

Loughborough reported that he had found some "who had already commenced to keep the sabbath," and others "in different stages of interest." One case in particular was interesting:

It is that of a man and his wife who are fully convinced on all the truth, and are seeking God for strength to obey. The man was on a ship that visited the port of San Francisco. No missionaries came on that ship; but the captain received a complete volume of Signs of the Times from the captain of another ship that had been visited. This volume the captain gave to the man whom we met. It with other papers and books since received from our depository in Southampton, has done its work. It has been in constant use, going from one to another, since it reached Scotland. The judgement alone will reveal the good that one volume has done, and it is still in active service.122

Immediately following Loughborough's return from Scotland someone, unknown to those at the Mission, began paying for a three month advertizement in a widely circulated family journal published in Scotland. The advertizment was for one of the Mission's standard Sabbath tracts, Who Changed The Sabbath.123 Soon after the advertizment first appeared it also was seen in two leading secular papers of Scotland, the Scotsman of Edinburgh and the Weekly Mail of Glasgow, the latter having a circulation of 200,000 copies each week. Naturally the Mission was full of thanks to the unknown party "for striking so effective a blow in our favor." As orders for the book began coming in they were sent out with a complete catalog of Mission publications enclosed, and the depository became better known.124 By July orders were coming in from individuals from yet another source, for the tracts they "saw advertized in our baptist paper." Five Scottish papers were now carrying the advertizment.125 Orders continued to come in through August l883.126

Scattered Believers

After the visit to Scotland and another to Liverpool, Loughborough spent one day on a visit to Mold in Wales to call on a lone Sabbath-keeper there. She earlier had lived in Switzerland and had not seen another Sabbatarian for many months, until the Mission moved into Liverpool.127

On his departure from Liverpool he spent the evening of 8 May with a Mr. Kent in Sheffield, dining at the Abbey Tea Rooms. Kent had been convinced on most of the subjects covered in Signs. Loughborough commented that he "being convicted of his duty to obey the truth as well as to believe it, is pleading with the Lord to open his way, that he may keep all of God's commandments.128

From Sheffield Loughborough came to Great Grimsby where he stayed over the weekend and spoke twice to the company of believers that had been formed by John.129 On returning to Southampton, he found work at the depository had "gone on so favorably during our absence" that he immediately began catching up with all the "many tokens of good in the encouraging letters" that had been received in his absence.130

Stephen N. Haskell, Britain and Europe

In harmony with an 1881 General Conference action Haskell sailed from New York 13 May 1882, bound for Europe. The trip had been contemplated "for several years past," certainly since 1878, but it had not been opportune until now. Haskell's visit was intended to be one of encouragement to the missionaries of Europe "toiling under great difficulties," and especially to those who "are laboring under great pressure of feebleness and anxiety."131 It was hoped that Haskell could find "special openings for the truth,"132�and in fact this visit did end in some practical results, and was seen as "a source of much encouragement" to the workers in Britain. Later Haskell's visit was seen to have been "most important" because of its "practical results."133 The visit of Haskell to England was certainly significant, especially in the light of his return to England in 1887 as superintendent pro tem of the Mission, and of his reactions concerning the work of the Mission at that time.

When it came time for Haskell to make this 1882 trip he found it very difficult to leave his other duties, and he was late departing. He had been preceeded one week earlier by J. W. Gardner and wife who were to join him on his tour of the European continent. The Gardeners were from California and had travelled extensively in Central and Northern Europe three years previously. Their ancesters were from "Old England" and they knew their way around. They would be visiting also in an advisory capacity.134

Haskell in England

Representing the General Conference Haskell, and the workers with him, visited all areas of concerted labor in England, including Southampton, London, and the newly opened work in Grimsby and Taunton. Haskell arrived in Southampton from Falmouth on Tuesday 23 May 1882.135 His ship had been delayed after taking in tow, for nearly 1,200 miles, a large distressed German steamer. Haskell was allowed to disembark before the ship reached London, and the Gardeners met him later in Southampton.136 The party stayed in England until Wednesday 7 June when they left for Paris.137

What exactly Haskell did between his arrival in Southampton on Tuesday 23 May and Sunday 28 May is not known. On the Wednesday and Thursday Loughborough was "pitching tent" somewhere. On Sunday 28 May Jones came, and Haskell spoke in the evening.138 On Tuesday 30 May they left for Taunton where they had tea with Veysey, and also attended one of his school lectures in physics and botany.139

While they were in Taunton Veysey informed both Loughborough and Haskell of his intention to take his wife and six children to America to live, "if the providence of God so indicates." Haskell was impressed with Veysey during his short stay after listening to his science lectures at his school. He also saw the whole family as lovers of the truth and "became very much interested in them."140 When, in March 1883, the Vesey family arrived in America they stayed in the Haskell home in South Lancaster, Mass., and it was here that little Elsie Veysey died of scarlatina 10 May 1883, aged 8 years.141 Veysey would become a professor at the Battle Creek College.

On 1 June Haskell visited with Sheppard working in Bristol, and from there continued to Grimsby to meet with the Johns, Drew, and a Brother Molyneaux. The next day they were in London, and spent Sabbath 3 June with Jones at Mill Yard and spoke to his congregation at the morning service, visited sites of London, and returned to Southampton the next day. Following this trip Haskell saw England as a "favorable field of labor" and made recommendations for the extending and improvement of the Mission work.142 Later it would be said:

He strongly recommended that publications be issued in England, and advocated their extensive use as a principal means of enlightening the people, watching at the same time for every other opportunity, and taking advantage of every occasion to introduce the truth to the people. This counsel served to inspire the perplexed workers with new zeal and courage, and its wisdom has been shown by the experience of those who have since carried on the work in the Mission.143

The advice seems to have been little more than what was already known, but his emphasis on the need for a British publication no doubt did encourage Loughborough and others.

The First European Council of Seventh-day Adventist Missions

After Haskell visited in Continental Europe the question of organizing the three Missions together in some kind of unity was discussed, to meet together once a year for consultation and a free discussion of plans and methods.144

Consequently, on Thursday 14 September l882 the "first European Counci1 of SDA missionaries" commenced at Basle, Switzerland, under the direction of Haskell as the General Conference representative. This also was "a highly encouraging meeting" for the workers in these foreign fields of labor. The British Mission was represented by Loughborough, John, and Drew. Loughborough was elected one of the three executive committee members and John as secretary.145 The representatives of the three Missions and of Switzerland spoke of "trials and difficulties experienced" in their respective Missions, and "the most successful methods" to meet them. The publishing work received considerable attention, and all agreed that "a paper published in Europe would be more effective than any that could be published in a foreign country."146

However, we know little else of the council agenda except what can be gathered from a report given by Haskell in person to the General Conference meetings of the 1882 session in December of that year and its consequent results.

The 1882 General Conference

At the December 1882 General Conference meetings in America Haskell delivered "an extended statement" concerning the work in the European Missions, showing that "a great work is being accomplished," and that there were many good openings for extended outreach. He covered such areas as "the importance of the work, the necessity of maintaining it, and the need of further assistance in this direction." The Committee saw light in his advice, and voted to send Buel Landon Whitney (1845-1888) and his family to Switzerland "at their earliest convenience" to assist Andrews, "laboring also to help other missions as opportunity may offer."147 Unfortunately the same individuals recognised that the British Mission

. . .is now organized so that colporters and other persons distributing our literature can keep in operation the work now being done in Southampton and elsewhere: therefore

Resolve, that in view of the wants of the cause in America, our Executive Committee be instructed to make such changes in the English work as shall secure, as soon as consistent, the services of Eld. Loughborough in the United States."148

They suggested that two suitable persons should be selected to work in the British Mission, "as soon as they can decide upon the proper individuals."149

Haskell, like those before him, recognized and stressed on behalf of the European Conference that in the foreign missions "there is such a feeling there against anything that is American." He explained how papers published in America and sent over to Europe did not have the same influence as those that were actually published in European countries. He was convincing, at least in part, and the Committee voted a German paper to be printed in Switzerland.150

However, when Loughborough's communication, "in reference to the condition and wants of the English mission," was read at the fourth meeting and later reviewed, it was not met with such favor. Although the General Conference Committee members listened to the suggestions of "those who understand the condition of the cause" in England they were not always willing or able to follow the suggestions made. Loughborough and others had before stressed the need for an English paper, comparable to that of Signs, prepared and printed in England for the English. The Committee, while respecting the judgement of Haskell and Loughborough, and recognizing that "a paper will sometime be needed in England," had to admit for one reason or another "that the time for publishing it is not yet come."151 However, they did make a step in the right direction by resolving 17 December 1882:

That it is the sense of this conference that persons should be selected and educated for that work, to whom the duty of conducting the paper can be entrusted at the proper time.152

Since the work in the Old World was expanding, a committee was also formed at this Conference to discuss the relationship of the various organizations in Europe to the General Conference in America. By this time Denmark and Sweden had regular national conferences organized, adopting constitutions similar to those of American state conferences. With growth and development also seen in other parts of Europe the leaders of these foreign missions had banded themselves together, under Haskell's direction, at the 1882 First European Council, to form an articled and constitutional organization called the "European Conference of Seventh-day Adventists," and appointed an executive committee. However, such a title caused some problems to the leaders in America who, "while we indorse the organization," suggested that the name be changed to that of "European Council of Seventh-day Adventist Missions."153 This European Council would now advise, discuss, and take action regarding all major decisions concerning the three Missions of Continental Europe, Britain and Scandinavia.

The Second European Council of Seventh-day Adventist Missions

Haskell again visited Europe at the end of l883, just prior to the General Conference session of that year, and the departure of Loughborough for America on permanent return. Meetings were held in Basle, Switzerland, over the dates of Thursday to Sunday 14-17 September with the purpose of "considering the wants of the cause in Europe." John served as secretary of this Council.154

The End of an Era

The Sabbath of 16 September was set apart as a day of fasting and prayer to the Lord, "that his special blessing would attend the efforts of those laboring in the European missions, and that our esteemed and afflicted brother, Eld. J. N. Andrews, would be given health and strength."155 Andrew's mother had arrived in Switzerland to be with her son156�who was not given renewed strength. One month later the American leadership received a telegram dated 21 October l883 "that Bro. J. N. Andrews is dead."157 Europe's first missionary had died while in harness and the British Mission had lost a major source of advice and encouragement. He was 54 years old. Andrews had requested that "no words of eulogy appear in the paper," and the editor of Review honored those wishes, except to say that "compliance with this request, however, will be less difficult in view of the fact that he left behind him works which bear ample testimony." Andrews' work in Europe had indeed "become dearer than life itself." He was to be greatly missed by the Missions of Europe, "the loss is a common one."158 Whitney writing to the General Conference on 24 October stated, "Though he may 'bury his workmen,' yet God will 'carry on his work.'"159 Andrews had left the European field by death just eleven days before Loughborough would say his good-byes to the British Mission and sail for America.

Loughborough finished up his work in the Mission by the end of June 1883, and considered that the Mission had progressed to such an extent that "the outlook for the cause is much more encouraging than it was one year ago." Loughborough reported in his supplement, under the title "Seed Taking Root," that there was "continued encouragement in our labors in Great Britain," and again many persons were "seriously considering how they can obey" the Sabbath. Loughborough shared some advice and encouragment for such:

David prayed to the Lord: "Open thou mine eyes, that I may behold wondrous things out of thy law." When the prayer was answered and new duties came before him, he said, "I made haste and delayed not to keep thy commandments." Ps.119:18,60. Dr. A. Clarke says of the words 'delayed not,' that the original vels hithmahmahti, meaning literally, 'I did not stand what-what-whating; or, as we used to express the sentiment, shilly shallying with myself.' May the Lord help all our readers go thus wise, never stopping to question the propriety of God's commands, but ever being proud to obey.160

In the quarter ending 30 June l883 the Mission reported 1,588 missionary visits, and 750 ship visits. The pages of tracts loaned, sold, or given away amounted to 114,128. They received 423 letters.161 On Sunday 19 August 1883 Loughborough immersed five persons in baptism at Ravenswood. Two of those came from the Isle of Wight. One, from Great Grimsby, had moved to take up residence in Southampton in order to work in the Mission office and depository. The two others had "taken their stand" at Ravenswood, and it was with apparent satisfaction Loughborough added, "one of them being our own daughter." Others had commenced keeping the Sabbath and were preparing for baptism.162

After nearly five years of hard, committed work in Southampton Loughborough organized the first official Seventh-day Adventist church body in England on Sabbath 1 September 1883163�with a membership of about 20. Loughborough described this important event in these words:

At Southampton, on Sept. 2 and 3, steps were taken to more permanently organize the seventh-day keepers into a church. There was an enrollment of about a score of names of persons who had been baptized; these were attached to a covenant which reads, 'We, the undersigned, hereby associate ourselves together as a church, taking the name Seventh-day Adventists, covenanting to keep the commandments of God and the faith of Jesus Christ.'164

Perhaps because the congregation had been worshiping together over a five year period the organization does not appear to have been considered any great event in the church calendar, but as a mere progression of administrative necessity. J. F. Shepherd was elected as elder "by unanimous vote of the church," and was "ordained by prayer and the laying on of hands." The same individual was asked to be the church clerk and keep all the records of the congregation. Loughborough stated that some "stand ready to unite with the church," and he planned for them to join the first Sabbath in October.165

Such organization was no doubt prompted by Loughborough's soon expected departure from England back to America. He was planning this for no later than l0 October, with the intent of being back in America in time for the General Conference meetings in November.166

At the time of Loughborough's departure from England the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists had just published their General Summary of Missionary Labor for the Year Ending 1 October l883.167 It indicated that the American membership stood at 16,340, with Nevada not reporting; world membership stood at 16,951, with the Swiss Mission not reporting. The "British Society" was indicated as having a membership of 299. This figure is definately excessive, even if "society" included all persons considered members of the British Tract and Missionary Society, and not just those who were baptised members of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. The figure is most probably a misprint, for the official statistics for 1883 reads 70 members for the British Mission. The church in Southampton was organized in September 1883 with a membership of twenty,168�and Loughborough reported at his departure from Britain that several more "who have been covenant Sabbath-keepers have been voted members of the church."169 The Mission had claimed "about forty" keeping the Sabbath at the time of Haskell's visit in 1882.170 Butler indicated in April 1884 that fifteen were "keeping the Sabbath" in Grimsby, eleven in Ulceby, two in Buxton, and two in Hull, making thirty persons outside Southampton.171 The total would therefore be in the region of 70. However, in 1892 Loughborough wrote that those "who embraced the Sabbath and kindred truth" at his departure numbered 100.172 Obviously they were not all official members of the Seventh-day Adventist church so the misprint of 299 could have read 99, and refer to Sabbath-keepers and not official members, for adults signed the covenant to keep the Sabbath, after which they could be voted as members of the church."173 Wilcox indicated that it was not until 1 September 1885 that "the number of church members in the kingdom" amounted to 60, and "other Sabbath-keepers not connected with Seventh-day Adventists but in sympathy with their views" numbered "about" 40.174

The quarterly reports to the Review indicate that the British Mission visited 3,005 ships during 1883. Letters actually written to interested persons totaled 1,595, with a further 10,693 printed letters being sent with Signs and other literature. The Mission received 1,658 letters from interested individuals.175 On Sunday evening 7 October 1883 Loughborough conducted his last meeting of the Tract Society indicating that the Mission "showed a marked increase of interest when compared with previous quarters." The last issue of Signs, sent out after Loughborough's departure, brought in more subscribers than any previously posted.176

From July 1883 Loughborough began making preparations to leave. His diary gives many fascinating insights into these three months. Although he maintained contact with his workers he did take opportunity to visit London with his family, going to such places as St Pauls, Smithfield Market, Westminster, The British Museum, and the Tower of London.177 He began fixing his family trunks as early as August,178�disposing of furniture,179�and his apples, coal, and kindling.180 His stove was sent to Whitney in Switzerland.181

Loughborough then began arranging for the work of the British Mission to be managed by others. On 8 September the last Sabbath meeting of the church at Ravenswood was conducted. A final prayer meeting was held as the "last meeting in Ravenswood" on Wednesday 12 September 1883. Mission Headquarters at Ravenswood seems to have ended as all books, type, and Mission goods were transported to "239," the Loughboroughs then lodged with the Neils and settled things in "at 239."182 Final letters were written and accounts and inventory figured with Thayer.183

The 6 October 1883 Sabbath services were the last that Loughborough spent with the church at Southampton. He chose to read the Scripture lesson from the twelth, "golden" chapter of St Paul's letter to the Romans, following this up with a consideration of those scriptures containing the word, "finally."184 He chose these texts "because they expressed in a more concise and impressive manner than any words we might frame, the counsel and encouragement we wished to give to those present."185

Loughborough and his family departed Southampton at 8:34 A.M. 8 October 1883. In Liverpool they were met by Drew and spent the next two days visiting John and Stanton. They departed England Wednesday 10 October at 6:00 P.M. on the steamboat "City of Rome."186 At 8:00 A.M. Thursday 11 October they completed the 3072 miles to Queenstown and attended Sabbath services in New York. He was welcomed with fog! On Sunday 21 October they left for Battle Creek.187 Loughborough attended the General Conference session of the Church during November where he gave his final report on the British Mission. He had spent five years representing Seventh-day Adventists in this foreign field and his submitted report covered the five year period 1 January 1879 to 10 October 1883. His records indicated families and ships visited by workers, 49,140; letters sent out, 21,708; subscribers obtained for periodicals, 556; periodicals distributed in Great Britain and by ships to the remotest parts of the earth, 84,887; pages of tracts distributed, 1,749,822; amount of book sales, $2,753.73.188

Looking back at his work in the Mission after five years Loughborough had summed it all up just eight months earlier:

In a nation as old as this, where every reform moves slowly, we are glad to see increasing evidence that our seed sowing is not in vain.

As we look back over our four years' experience in this field, we may say that our manner of conducting the work has been a series of experiments. These have not proved to be failures, however. We can see that every one of our carefully and prayerfully laid plans has been crowned with good results. Though we have not seen all accomplished that we had desired and hoped, or that might be expected from the same effort in a newer country, yet the work is not a failure. There is good fruit to attest the feasibility of every advance movement. We have, as yet, met with no sad reverses, or "backsets."

As the work has now reached a point demanding careful deliberations and new departures, we may hope that, with earnest effort, with God's blessing, and with a practical application of the knowledge of the situation already gained, the future progress will excel the past. So may it be.189

He believed the British Mission had been successful and the best days were yet ahead.

Loughborough was requested to hold general meetings in New York, Pennsylvania, and Michigan during the winter and early spring of 1883 and 1884, and then by 1 April to pick up his labor for the church in the western field of America which he had left in 1878.190 Here he travelled in the North Pacific region as a representative of the General Conference, later serving as president of several state conferences. Loughborough not only had a tremendous influence on the beginning of the British Mission, but continued to have a deep interest in the field in years to come, returning to visit Britain during the year of his retirement in 1908.191

1Loughborough, RP, p.330.

2General Conference Committee, RH, 3 January 1882, p.8.

3�Loughborough "The Cause in England," ST, 27 April 1882, p.201; "English Mission," 12 January 1882, p.24; SDAE, art., "Ings, William;" Wilcox, HS, p.83. Loughborough's Diary indicates that he arrived "home" on 24 January 1882, but this could have meant to Liverpool.

4SDAE, art., "Ings, William."

5Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 6 November 1883, p.694.

6Editor, "English Mission," ST, 12 January 1882, p.24.

7SDAE, art., "Drew, George R."

8Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 19 June l879, p.196; "The Cause in England," RH, 19 July 1881, p.58; ST, 21 July 1881, p.320.

9"The English Mission," ST, 19 January 1882, p.36.

10SDAE, art., "Drew, George R."

11Loughborough, RP, p.335.

12Loughborough, Diary, 24-30 July 1883.

13George R. Drew to Vigilant Missionary Society at Battle Creek, "The Ship-work in England," RH, 1 August 1882, p.493.

14ibid.; Loughborough, "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 4 September 1883, p.571.

15Drew to Loughborough, 4 June 1882, "Report from England," ST, 29 June 1882, p.297.

16Drew to --, 10 July 1882, "Another Letter from England," RH, 22 August 1882, p.540.

17"The Ship Work in England," RH, 1 August 1882, p.493. The reference is to the Word of God, see Heb.4:12.

18"English Mission," ST, 12 January 1882, p.24; SDAE, art., John, Adelbert Allen; Dr. A. A. John Obituary, RH, 14 April 1921.

19Loughborough, "The Work in Europe," RH, 30 May 1882, p.344, quoting British Supplement 3.

20Editor, "The English Mission," RH, 3 January 1882, p.8; ST, 19 January 1882, p.36.

21SDAE, art., "John, Adelbert Allen;" Dr. A. A. John Obituary, RH, 14 April 1921.

22ibid., "Thayer, Jennie."

23Wilcox, "Arrivals and Departures," Present Truth, (Great Grimsby, England: International Tract and Missionary Society, May 1884-1950.) 21 October 1886, p.160. Hereafter PT. See SDAE, art., "Stanborough Press Limited."

24Wilcox, HS, p.84; SDAE, art., Thayer, Jennie; "The English Mission," ST, 19 January 1882, p.36; Loughborough, "The Cause in England," ST, 27 April 1882, p.201.

25ibid.; "British Mission," RH, 20 February 1883, p.124; "The British Mission," 24 April 1883, p.269.



28Drew to Signs, 17 February 1882, "Letter from Bro. Geo. R. Drew," ST, 16 March 1882, p.129; Wilcox, HS, p.83. Wilcox states that Drew arrived in London 14 February which is probably incorrect.

29Loughborough, Diary, 17-22 February 1882.

30Wilcox, HS, p.83; Drew to Loughborough, 4 June 1882 "Report from England," ST, 29 June 1882, p.297.

31Drew to Waggoner, 18 November 1882, "Letter from Brother Drew," ST, 14 December 1882, p.561.

32Drew, "The Ship Work in England," RH, 1 August l882, p.493.

33Loughborough, "The Work in Europe," RH, 30 May 1882, p.344; "British Mission," 3 April 1883, p.218; Wilcox, HS, p.84.

34Haskell, "Report from England," ST, 29 June 1882, p.297.

35Loughborough, "The Work in Europe," RH, 30 May 1882, p.344, quoting British Supplement 3; Drew to V. M. Society at Battle Creek, "Ship Work in England," 1 August 1883, p.493; Drew to --, 10 July 1882, "Another Letter from England," 22 August l882, p.540; Wilcox, HS, p.84.

36Drew to V. M. Society at Battle Creek, "The Ship-Work in England," RH, 1 August l883, p.493.

37Drew to --, 10 July 1882, "Another Letter from England," RH, 22 August l882, p.540.

38Drew to Waggoner, 18 November 1882, "Letter from Bro.Drew," ST, 14 December 1882, p.561.


40Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 3 April 1883, p.218.

41"The British Mission," RH, 21 August l883, p.539, quoting British Supplement 30.

42Loughborough, Diary, 24-30 July 1883. Loughborough only gives the name of Mrs. Brocklebank as the bridesmaid.

43"The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 4 September l883, p.571, quoting British Supplement 31.

44Wilcox, HS, p.83; Loughborough, "The Cause in England," ST, 27 April 1882, p.201.

45Haskell, "Report from England," ST, 29 June 1882, p.297.

46Loughborough, Diary, 11 February 1882.

47Loughborough, "The Work in Europe," RH, 30 May 1882,p.344; Wilcox, HS, p.83.

48"England," RH, 8 August l882, p.507.

49John, "England and Wales," RH, 4 August 1885, p.490.

50"The British Mission," RH, 24 April 1883, p.269.

51ibid., 2l August l883, p.539.

52John, "England," RH, 8 August l882, p.507.

53ibid.; Loughborough, "The Work in Europe," RH,30 May 1882, p.344, quoting British Supplement 3.

54John, "England," RH, 8 August 1882, p.507; Haskell, "Report from England," ST, 29 June 1882, p.297; Wilcox, HS, p.12.

55John, "England," RH, 2 January 1883, p.12.

56Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 3 April 1883, p.218.

57Loughborough, Diary, 9-14 May 1883.

58Loughborough, "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June 1883, p.411, quoting British Supplement 26.

59Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 18 September 1883,p.604, quoting British Supplement 32.

60ibid., l0 July l883, p.443, quoting British Supplement 27; "The Work in Great Britain," 17 July 1883, pp.458,459, quoting British Supplement 28.

61Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 18 September 1883, p.604, quoting British Supplelment 32.


63Loughborough, "The Work in Great Britain," RH, 17 July, 1883, p.458,459, quoting British Supplement 28; Wilcox, HS, p.83.

64Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 9 October l883, pp.632,633, quoting British Supplement 33; John, "Lincolnshire," PT, November 1884, p.109.

65Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 9 October 1883, p 632, quoting British Supplement 33.

66Wilcox, HS p.83.

67"The British Mission," RH, 18 September 1883, p.604, quoting British Supplement 32.


69Loughborough, "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June 1883, pp.410,411, quoting British Supplement 26; "The British Mission," 18 September l883, p.604, quoting British Supplement 32.

70Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 6 November 1883, p.694.

71John, "England," RH, 9 October 1883, p.632.

72Loughborough, GH, January 1883, p.4-7.

73Loughborough, Diary, 14 November 1882.

74Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 20 February 1883, p.124, quoting British Supplement 19.

75Loughborough, Diary, 5 September 1882.

76Loughborough, Diary, 16-19 October 1882.

77Loughborough, Diary, 4-6 September 1883.

78Editor, "The English Mission," ST, 19 January 1882, p.36.

79Wilcox, HS, p.83.

80Loughborough, "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 4 September 1883, p.571, quoting British Supplement 31.

81See on chapter 3 above.

82General Conference Committee, "Reading Matter for England," RH, 3 January 1882, p.9; Editor, "The English Mission," ST, 19 January 1882, p.36.

83Editor, RH, 25 April 1882. P.272.

84Loughborough, Diary, 13,14,24 February 1882.

85ibid., 27 February, 1 March 1882.

86"The Work in Europe," RH, 30 May 1882, p.344, quoting British Supplement, 3; Alice Morrison, "English Supplement to the Signs of the Times," ST, 6 April 1882, p.168; Loughborough, Diary, 27 March 1882.

87Loughborough, Diary, 23 June 1882; Wilcox, HS, p.84.

88Haskell, "International Tract and Missionary Society," RH, 1 April 1884, p.218.

89Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 20 February 1883, p.124, quoting British Supplement 19; Wilcox HS, p.85.

90Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 20 February 1883, p.124, quoting British Supplement 19.

91ibid., 3 April 1883, p.218.


93Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 15 May 1883, p.316, quoting British Supplement 24.


95Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 24 April 1883, p.269, quoting British Supplement 23.

96Loughborough, "Report of Great Britain T. And M. Society," RH, 21 August 1883, p.534.

97Loughborough, "British Mission," RH 3 April 1883, p.218; "The British Mission," 24 April 1883, p.269, quoting British Supplement 28; "British Mission," 15 May 1883, p.316, quoting British Supplement 24; 10 July 1883, p.443; "The Work in Great Britain," 17 July 1883, p.458.

98Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 15 May 1883, p.316. quoting British Supplement 24.



101Loughborough, Diary, May 1882.

102ibid., 28 April 1882.

103ibid., 1 June 1882.

104e.g. ibid., 23,26 August 1882; 23 December 1882.

105ibid., 23,28,30 October 1882, 20 November 1882.

106ibid., 23 December 1882.

107ibid., 14 August 1882.

108ibid., 18 July 1882.

109ibid., 15 March 1883.

110ibid., 31 May, 22 June 1881.

111"The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June 1883, pp.410,411 quoting British Supplement 26.

112ibid.; Diary, 19 April 1883.

113Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 15 May 1883, p.316, quoting British Supplement 24; 19 June 1883, p.394, quoting British Supplement 18; Loughborough, Diary, 19-26 April 1883.

114ibid., 1-7 May 1883.

115ibid., 4-7 May 1883; "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June 1883, p.41O, quoting British Supplement 26.



118Loughborough, Diary, 24-30 July 1883; "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 4 September 1883, p.571, Quoting British Supplement 31.


120e.g. Loughborough, Diary, 18 July 1882.

121ibid., 18 July 1882, 26-30 April 1883; "British Mission," RH, 15 May l883, p.316, quoting British Supplement 24; 19 June l883, pp.394,395, quoting British Supplement, 18.


123Loughborough, "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June 1883, p.411, quoting British Supplement, 26.

124Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 10 July l883, p.443, quoting British Supplement 27.

125Loughborough, "The Work in Great Britain," RH, 17 July 1883, p.457, quoting British Supplement 28.

126Loughborough, "Report of Great Britain T. and M. Society," RH, 21 August l883, p.534.

127Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 19 June 1883, p.395; 26 June 1883, p.410, quoting British Supplement 26.

128"The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June l883, p. 411, quoting British Supplement 26; Diary, 8 May 1883.

129ibid., 9-14 May 1883; "The Cause in Great Britain," RH, 26 June l883, p.411, quoting British Supplement 26.

130ibid.; "British Mission," 19 June 1883, p.394, quoting British Supplement 18.

131Butler, "Eld. Haskell's Trip to Europe," ST, 25 May 1882, pp.236,237.


133Wilcox, HS, p.84.

134J. W. Gardner, "California to Europe," ST, 13 July 1882, p.309.

135Loughborough, Diary, 23 May 1882.

136Gardener, "California to Europe," ST, 13 July 1882, p.309.

137Loughborough, Diary, 23 May, 7 June 1882.

138ibid., 24-28 May 1882.

139ibid., 30 May 1882.

140Haskell, "The Work Before Us," ST, 31 August 1882, p.393.

141"Obituary," ST, 24 May 1883, p.239.

142Haskell, "Report from England," ST, 29 June 1882, p.297; Loughborough, Diary, 1-3 June 1882; "The Work Before Us," ST, 31 August 1882, p.393.

143Wilcox, HS, p.84.

144Wilcox, "Report of Missionary Councils," HS, p.109.


146Haskell, "The European Conference," ST, 19 October 1882, p.464.

147General Conference Committee, "Report of General Conference Session 1882," RH, 26 December 1882, pp.785-786. Whitney had been ordained and made president of the New York and Pennsylvania Conference in 1875 where he remained until his appointment to Switzerland. He was 38 years of age. He would remain in Europe until 1887 and show a marked interest in the affairs of the British Mission as chairman of the European Council. SDAE, art., "Whitney, Buel Landon."

148G. C. R., p.29; General Conference Committee, "Report of General Conference Session 1882," RH, 26 December 1882, p.792.

149SDAYB, 1883, p.39.

150General Conference Committee, "Report of General Conference Session 1882," RH, 26 December 1882, pp.785-786.

151ibid., pp.786-792; SDAYB, 1883, p.33.

152General Conference Committee, "Report of the General Conference Session 1882," RH, 26 December 1882, p.792.

153Haskell, "The European Conference," ST, 19 October 1882, pp.464; General Conference Committee, "Report of General Conference Session 1882," RH, 26 December 1882, pp.785-786. This council organization was later to become the framework for other similar organizations in various fields of operations know as "World Divisions." See SDAE, art., "Division."

154John, "General Meetings at Bale, Switzerland," RH, 17 October 1883, p.648.


156Loughborough, "Report of Great Britain T. and M. Society," RH, 21 August 1883, p.534.

157Editor, RH, 23 October 1883, p.672.

158Editor, "The Death of Eld. Andrews," RH, 30 October 1883, p.680.

159"Death of Eld. J. N. Andrews," RH 20 November 1883, p.730.

160British Supplement 28, quoted in "The Work in Great Britain," RH, 17 July 1883, p.458.

161Loughborough, "Report of Great Britain T.and M. Society," RH, 21 August l883, p.534.

162Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 9 October 1883, p.632, quoting British Supplement 33.

163Loughborough, Diary, 1 September 1883.

164"The British Mission," RH, 9 October 1883, p.633, quoting British Supplement 33; Wilcox, HS, p.85. Wilcox gives the date as September 23, 1883, an obvious misprint.


166Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 9 October 1883, p.633, quoting British Supplement 33.

167RH, 22 January 1884, p.55; SDAYB, 1884 insert.

168Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 9 October 1883, p.633, quoting British Supplement, 33.

169"British Mission," RH, 6 November 1883, p.694.

170Wilcox, HS, p.84.

171Butler, "Meetings in England," RH, 1 April 1884, p.217.

172RP, p.336.

173Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 6 November 1883, p.694.

174Wilcox, HS, p.88.

175Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 20 February 1883, p.124, quoting British Supplement 19; 15 May 1883, p.316, quoting British Supplement 24; "Report of Great Britain T.and M.Society," 21 August 1883, p.534; "British Mission," 6 November 1883, p.694.


177Loughborough, Diary, 11-13 July 1883.

178ibid., 20 August 1883.

179ibid., 21 August, 3,10 September 1883.

180ibid., 20 September 1883.

181ibid., 10 September 1883.

182ibid., 8-17 September 1883.

183ibid., 18-28 September 1883.

184Five of these scriptures came from St Paul, one from St Peter. They can be found in 2 Cor.13:11, Eph.6:10-20, Phil.3:1; 4:8&9, 2 Thess.3:1-5, 1 Pet.3:8-16.

185Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 6 November 1883, p.694.

186ibid., Diary, 8-10 October 1883; RP, p.335; Wilcox, HS, p.86.

187Loughborough, Diary, 11-21 October 1883.

188Loughborough, RP, p.336.

189"British Mission," RH, 20 February l883, p.124, quoting British Supplement 19.

190SDAYB, 1884, p.40.

191Wilcox, HS, p.86; SDAE, art., "Loughborough, John Norton."

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